After a year of political unrest following the Arab Spring, Iona Craig reports on the current situation in Yemen.
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Egyptian state TV— for decades the mouthpiece of the authoritarian regime — is an ugly towering block of concrete and steel overlooking the River Nile at Maspero in downtown Cairo. In the post-revolutionary era, it is a heavily fortified fortress surrounded by barbed wire and stone barricades. Snipers can be spotted on the rooftop and terraces, and uniformed soldiers with machine guns stand guard outside the main entrances and exits. Corrugated iron gates have replaced the once-glass façade adding gloom to an already tense and inhospitable atmosphere inside the building which houses some 45,000 employees.
Upstairs on the fifth floor, a storm is brewing. Outside the main news studio, scores of employees of the main Arabic Nile News Channel are staging a sit-in, which they vow will continue until their demands are met. The demands include an immediate end to censorship and a set of reforms, which they say, are long overdue.
“Etman! Lift your hands off the media!” chant the angry protesters. Their message is addressed to Ismail Etman, the senior military general who currently heads the Armed Forces Morale Affairs Department.
‘‘We are also telling the station managers to keep their hands off. We are tired of censorship and interference in our editorial work,” complains Aly El Attar, a director at the channel.
The protest was triggered by the banning of a documentary on the 25 January revolution, produced by fellow director Aly El Geheny. Titled Tahrir Square, the documentary includes footage of the brutal treatment of peaceful protesters by security forces against during the mass uprising early last year. The decision by the Head of the News Sector not to broadcast the film enraged staff at the channel prompting them to take action. They vowed to show the film “with or without his consent.”
“We had a revolution a year ago but nothing has changed,” laments newscaster Iman Mansour. “We still work in a stifling and restrictive atmosphere. We are still waiting for the restructuring of editorial policies and the purging of state TV. ”
She insists that the red lines remain in place: the ruling military council having now replaced Hosni Mubarak as the new line that cannot be crossed.
“If a guest starts criticising the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the atmosphere in the studio becomes tense and I’m instructed by the show producers to cut the program short,” Mansour says.
“On the other hand, if the guest is pro-SCAF, he or she is allowed to ramble on for as long as they like.”
But this maybe about to change.
Mansour affirms that in the past many of her co-workers practiced self- censorship because they were afraid of losing their jobs or worse still, of facing an investigation by a military court. These fears have been reinforced by recent media reports of fellow journalists and bloggers being summoned for interrogation by the Military Prosecutor — a trend, which according to the protesting journalists has become “all too common” in the post-revolutionary era.
Mahmoud El Azaly, a news editor at the channel complains that the station management had recently handed them an updated list of the guests they were permitted to host on their live shows. “This is unacceptable. In a free media, all voices are heard. No one is excluded,” he argues affirming that the channel has also extended its boycott of outspoken critics of the military rulers such as former Presidential-hopeful Mohamed El Baradei and author Alaa El Aswany.
Just days before Egypt’s Second Revolution, a protest planned by activists demanding an end to military rule, the Nile News journalists say they are adamant about covering events as they unfold. “Last year, we were confined to our studios and were not authorised to report from Tahrir. Now we are being told to cover the pro-military rally in Abbassiya instead. But we are not going to repeat the mistakes of the past. Our cameras will be in Tahrir too. We share the aspirations of the pro democracy activists,” El Attar asserts.
While a number of talk show hosts working for independent channels have taken a stand in recent months threatening to quit if their shows were censored, state television’s critics allege it is still biased in favour of the authorities. The journalists’ chants of “Down with military rule!” and “Thowar! Ahrar! We are free revolutionaries and we shall continue our revolution!” outside the Maspero office of the new Minister of Information mark a turning point and perhaps, a break from a repressive past.
The following report documents the findings of a delegation comprised of representatives from six international rights groups (three members and three partners of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange, IFEX), which carried out a fact-finding mission between 20-30 November, 2011, in order to gain an understanding of the state of free expression and the status of human rights defenders in Bahrain. The 11 recommendations made in this report include calls to end the harassment, imprisonment and prosecution of Bahraini citizens for what essentially amount to persecution of free expression and legitimate human rights work.
The mission team was composed of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI), Front Line Defenders, the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR), Index on Censorship, International Media Support (IMS) and the Writers in Prison Committee (WiPC) of PEN International.
Following the fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, hundreds of thousands of Bahraini protesters took to the streets of Manama, the capital city, on 14 February, 2011, to peacefully call for democratic reform. Officials were quick to crack down on protests, and the access of the international media was limited almost immediately after the start of the protests. Unlike other citizens demonstrating across the Arab World in 2011, the protests in Bahrain have received very little coverage, particularly considering the disproportionate number of people jailed and killed in the tiny country of 1.2 million people. Furthermore, the messages of the protesters – calling for reform, equal rights and opportunities and greater democracy – have largely been distorted by both the government and the international community which have instead focused on sectarian interpretations and regional geopolitical issues.
The Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR), an IFEX member and human rights organisation banned in Bahrain since 2004, asked that the government avoid the use of force against the peaceful protests, and respect the rights to assemble and express opinions freely. After an initial violent crackdown, leaving at least one protester dead, authorities in Bahrain seemed to backtrack and allow for protesters to congregate at Pearl Roundabout. Almost a month of openness followed, when demonstrations were allowed to proceed unhindered and prisoners were released (in late February and early March). But on 15 March 2011, King Hamad bin ‘Issa Al Khalifa declared a three-month State of National Safety, and a renewed crackdown on protesters took an increasingly violent and repressive turn.
Eight human rights defenders and activists were handed life sentences on 22 June 2011, and 13 others tried in the same case were handed lesser sentences, ranging between two to 15 years. Included in those given life sentences were Abdulhadi AlKhawaja, former head of BCHR and former Middle East and North Africa Protection Coordinator at Front Line Defenders, and Abduljalil al-Singace, renowned blogger and human rights defender, who is head of the human rights office of the Haq Movement for Liberty and Democracy. Another renowned blogger, Ali Abdulemam, creator and owner of Bahrain Online, was also sentenced to life in absentia, after he went into hiding to avoid detention following his previous incarceration when he was badly tortured. One of the 11 recommendations of the mission is to release them immediately.
Although the focus of the mission was on freedom of expression, it was difficult to meet with journalists because many of them were in hiding or out of the country. Two journalists died following torture while in custody in April 2011- Zakariya Al Asheri and Karim Fakhrawi, and the mission calls for a full investigation into their deaths, and proper accountability. Reem Khalifa, a journalist for the independent newspaper Al-Wasat, has been charged with verbally abusing and physically assaulting a government supporter, even though she was the subject of abuse herself. Her case is emblematic of the harassment faced by independent journalists and writers who have spoken out against the violent tactics of the government. During the mission, a member of the mission was able to attend her trial.
A key recommendation of the report is to end the persecution of numerous doctors and medics who helped treat demonstrators and currently face jail terms, as well as many teachers, lawyers, writers, artists and other professionals who have been harassed and persecuted as a result of practising their professions and exercising their right to express themselves freely and peacefully. The mission coincided with the presentation of the report of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) by its Chairperson, Egyptian Cherif Bassiouni to the King on 23 November 2011. The mission explored attitudes and expectations concerning the report before its release, and reactions subsequent to its release. In line with the BICI report, the international mission also insists on accountability for those responsible for violating international human rights norms, in particular those responsible for torture and killing.
The mission met with human rights activists, demonstrators, members of civil society, members of the diplomatic community, members of political parties and government officials. The objectives included gaining an understanding of what occurred in February and March and the current state of free expression, particularly with regard to the government’s recent efforts to “heal” and “build a national dialogue.” Furthermore, the mission aimed to better facilitate an international conversation on the right to freedom of expression and assembly in Bahrain.
A Cairo civilian court has ordered an end to the practice of forced virginity tests on female detainees in military prisons.
Judge Ali Fekry, head of the Egyptian Administrative Court, read out the ruling at noon on Tuesday in a courtroom packed with pro-democracy activists and journalists. The crowd immediately erupted in cheers of jubilation and anti-military chants. Activists outside the courtroom hugged and congratulated each other flashing the victory sign.
Samira Ibrahim, the 25-year-old woman who had filed a lawsuit against the army for ordering the virginity checks, is one of several female protesters who were subjected to the humiliating tests after being arrested by the military during a protest in Tahrir Square on 9 March.
In that demonstration, staged less than a month after President Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down, the Egyptian military had appeared to deliberately target the protesters. Soldiers dragged dozens of pro-democracy activists from Tahrir Square and through the gates of the Egyptian Museum.
Salwa Hosseini, a 20-year-old hairdresser who was among the protesters rounded up by the army later told CNN that uniformed soldiers had tied her up , forced her to the ground and repeatedly slapped her. They shocked her with a stun gun, calling her a prostitute.
Bowing to public pressure, the army later suspended the one year prison sentence it had handed the protesters. Hosseini and the other female protesters later told reporters “The army wanted to teach us a lesson. They wanted to make us feel that we do not have dignity.”
An Amnesty International report, published weeks after the March 9 protest, claimed female demonstrators were beaten, given electric shocks, strip-searched, threatened with prostitution charges and forced to submit to virginity tests .
After repeated denials by military authorities that the virginity tests had been conducted, a senior Egyptian military general finally admitted to CNN on 30 May 30 that the virginity checks had indeed been performed. The general however defended the practice.
“The girls who were detained were not like your daughter or mine,” the general said. “These were girls who had camped out in tents with male protesters in Tahrir Square.”
He added that the army had carried out the tests in “self-defence so that the women wouldn’t later claim they had been raped by Egyptian authorities.”
Wiping away tears of joy, Samira told reporters outside the courtroom Tuesday that “justice had at last been served.”
The court had postponed a hearing in November leading activists to suspect the case may drag on for months.
Human Rights lawyer Hossam Bahgat said the case was a “victory for all women” adding that it was the first crack in the army’s impunity.
Samira’s case marked the second “victory” for pro-democracy activists this week in rulings involving the army. Another court had ordered the release on bail of prominent blogger Alaa Abdel Fattah a day earlier. Alaa was accused of inciting violence against the military and attacking soldiers in deadly clashes between security forces and Coptic protesters demanding protection of their churches last October.
The military generals running the country since President Hosni Mubarak was forced out in February have faced mounting pressure from pro-democracy activists in recent weeks for rights violations. A series of nationwide protests broke out last week after the local and international media flaunted pictures of military brutality against pro- democracy activists who had staged a sit in outside cabinet headquarters demanding an end to military rule. A picture of a half-naked female protester being dragged and beaten by soldiers who had torn off her clothes, triggered public outrage and prompted thousands of Egyptian women to take to the streets last week chanting that “Girls are the red line” and “No to military rule”.
Similar slogans were repeated on Tuesday as Samira and the activists marched from the courtroom in Dokki to Cairo’s Tahrir Square to celebrate the ruling. Egypt’s first female presidential candidate, Bothayna Kamel, a staunch supporter of women’s and minority rights marched alongside Samira, leading the crowd over Kasr el Nil bridge to Tahrir. Male activists joined the rally forming a “protective cordon” to shield the women against any harrassers as they had done in the women’s march earlier in the week.
With calls growing louder in Egypt in recent weeks for a quick handover to civilian rule, the army appears jittery and willing to make concessions to appease a disgruntled public. The generals have expressed regret for the widely publicised photograph of the half-naked woman under attack from army soldiers. The apology, the release of blogger Alaa Abdel Fattah and the ruling to stop the virginity checks on female detainees all signal a clear policy shift by the army, away from the repressive tactics. But sceptics here wonder if it may be “too little too late” as plans are already underway for “a second revolution” on 25 January 2012 in Tahrir to force out the autocratic military rulers.