22 Sep 11 | Egypt, Middle East and North Africa
Egypt’s post-revolutionary honeymoon appears to be over. The country’s euphoria and pride at the historic public uprising that ousted President Hosni Mubarak has given way to a summer of rising pessimism.
Relations have deteriorated between activist groups and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) — the collection of senior generals that has ruled the country since Mubarak’s forced February 11 resignation. Despite promises of a smooth transition to civilian rule, the military has proven itself to be slow to implement meaningful reform and remarkably thin-skinned regarding public criticism. Journalists and activists who publicly criticise the SCAF’s performance have been summoned for questioning and at least one blogger has been jailed for the crime of defaming the military.
After protesters attacked the Israeli embassy on September 9, the SCAF responded with a warning to the country’s feisty post-revolutionary media. Minister of Information Ossama Heikal invoked Mubarak era rhetoric in promising that any newspaper or channel that “endangers the stability and security of the country” would be firmly dealt with.
Alarmingly, the SCAF seems to have inherited the Mubarak regime’s fixation with Al-Jazeera. On September 11, security forces raided the offices of Al-Jazeera Mubasher Misr (Al-Jazeera direct Egypt) a specialised 24/7 Egypt news channel that Al-Jazeera founded after the revolution. Two days earlier the channel had broadcast wall-to-wall coverage of the Israeli embassy assault and the violent street clashes that ensued.
As of late September the SCAF had finally begun to set dates; fresh parliamentary elections that will herald the first step towards that long-promised transition will begin in late November and continue for a month. But skepticism and, at times, hostility towards the SCAF’s intentions is still running high
Among the activists, things aren’t much better. The fragile unity between Islamists and secularists that helped personify the revolution didn’t last long. By mid summer, both sides were exchanging recriminations, with the secular activist forces charging that the Muslim Brotherhood was railroading the country into early elections where they would hold a natural organisational advantage.
In mid-September, Wael Ghonim, the Google Executive who became an iconic face of the revolution, made headlines by writing an open letter to Field Marshal Mohammed Tantawi, the Mubarak-era Defense Minister who heads the SCAF. Ghonim’s letter criticised the pace of reform and the lack of a definitive transitional timetable. His complaints were not new, but the source was significant. Ghonim, was one of the most prominent voices among the hardcore Tahrir activists who still professed faith in the SCAF’s leadership long after many of his compatriots had turned against the generals. Following the revolution, many of his own fellow revolutionaries wrote Ghonim off as a SCAF apologist. His emergence as a public critic heralds a potentially volatile new phase that could culminate in a second revolution.
Among ordinary citizens, a mood of post-revolutionary fatigue was setting in. In addition to what seemed to be a looming new confrontation with SCAF, crime was on the rise, the economy was still sputtering and the newfound freedom of expression seemed to produce a lot of people shouting accusations at each other.
It is too early to tell where this is going. And there are many on the scene to retain an enduring sense of optimism for the future. Alaa Al Aswany, author of the best selling novel The Yacoubian Building and a longtime courageous political columnist, says the SCAF is in danger of bungling the post-Mubarak era.
“I don’t want to speculate about about (SCAF’s) intentions. But their decisions have been against the Egyptian revolution,” Aswany told me.
The author openly rejects the idea that the SCAF could succeed in derailing the transition to democratic civilian rule.
The Military Council is not going to rule Egypt. If they try, they’re making a fatal mistake. Because there’s an element that has changed, the most important element — the Egyptian people. They will never accept it again
Aswany, despite his criticisms of SCAF’s performance, sounded sympathetic with the generals—who didn’t ask to be in this position and seem to detest being suddenly thrust into a noisily democratic Egypt where their own decisions are subject to public debate.
“You’re talking about a military mentality. It’s the first time anyone has tried to discuss anything with them,” Aswany said. “A normal military general, he’s either giving orders or receiving orders and carrying them out. The idea that we can sit down together and I tell him, ‘This decision was wrong.’ It’s outside of their culture.”
Others remain optimistic, describing Egypt’s rocky post-Mubarak months as a necessary process. “What you’re seeing now is a lot of pus coming out of the wound,” Mohammed ElBaradei told me. “It’s natural and it has to happen before the real healing can begin.”
Ashraf Khalil’s first book, Liberation Square: Inside the Egyptian Revolution and the Rebirth of the Nation, will be published in January 2012 by St Martin’s Press
18 Sep 11 | Media Freedom, News and features
As media standards and sanction are discussed at the Liberal Democrat party conference, John Kampfner warns that distaste at “hackgate” should not be used as an excuse to tame the feral beasts of the free press
(more…)
30 Aug 11 | News and features
The world has been watching with bated breath as a third Arab authoritarian regime collapses. Crowds of jubilant Libyans continue to throng the capital’s Green Square to celebrate the end of Muammar Gaddafi’s 42-year reign of tyranny and oppression.
But unlike the international euphoria triggered by the ousting of the Egyptian and Tunisian dictators, Gaddafi’s downfall is being met with cautious optimism — perhaps, even, anxiety. Rather than being hailed as heroes, Libya’s young revolutionaries are being eyed with scepticism. The wariness, say analysts, is largely caused by a fear of the unknown, as many wonder who the rebels are and what the future holds for the North African country.
In the early stages of the uprising in Libya, Gaddafi had pointed the finger at Al Qaeda, accusing the rebels of having close ties with the terrorist organisation. He had hoped that the accusations would win him Western backing that would enable him to stay in power. But the rebels leading the public protests are not “terrorists”: they are ordinary Libyans demanding change, freedom and an end to authoritarian rule — as I found out on a recent trip to Benghazi, Libya’s second city. The rebel city has been free from dictatorship since February this year.
The rebels I met during my trip in May asserted that their demands were similar to those of the opposition activists in Egypt and Tunisia.
“We simply want to see an end to the era of brutality and oppression. The Libyan people have suffered for long…we now want our freedom and dignity,” Khalad Khashab, a senior Gaddafi aide who defected to Egypt in February told me.
And like pro-democracy activists who led the Egyptian and Tunisian mass uprisings, the young Libyan revolutionaries also take pride in their revolution. There’s rarely any mention of the support they’ve been getting from NATO forces, which for months now have carried out aerial attacks against Gaddafi defence positions. Chants of “Libya hurra, Libya is free” echo through the streets of Benghazi and youths are often seen flashing the victory sign as they climb on top of charred cars and raise the rebels’ red, black and green flag.
And now that they are free from repression, the young activists in Benghazi are using every means possible to express themselves. The graffifi on the walls, the launch of new radio stations and internet TV channels the public debates about their future, the increased volunteerism and political activism are all manifestations of their newfound freedom. In Benghazi’s “Revolution Square”, citizens gather nightly to recite poetry, make public speeches, sing revolutionary songs or simply exchange anecdotes. The square has been transformed into a Hyde Park-style Speakers’ Corner, where young men and women can vent their hatred of an autocratic leader who for decades, stifled all forms of free expression and creativity.
Many young Libyans, feeling they now have a stake in their own country, volunteer to direct traffic, patrol the streets or collect donations to help casualties of the uprising or the martyrs’ families. Meanwhile, civil society organisations devoted to causes ranging from the promotion of women’s rights to environmental protection are rapidly mushrooming in the new Libya.
The desire to end years of isolation is also evident with the flags of friendly nations flying high over key bridges and in front of government buildings. It’s a small gesture of appreciation for the support afforded the rebels but also a signal of the Libyan people’s keenness to join the international fold.
Much of the graffiti on the streets pokes fun at Gaddafi but some of the messages also offer warnings against tribalism and religious extremism, likely challenges that Gaddafi threatened would confront any future government in Libya. And while the “One Libya” slogan is highly popular among the rebels, sceptics point out that it remains just that: a mere slogan. Analysts are concerned that the divide between regime loyalists and rebel forces may continue long after the country is free from Gaddafi’s authoritarian grip. They point to the rights violations often committed by one group against the other.
In a worst-case scenario, there’s the possibility of civil war breaking out.
“Tribal differences are deep-rooted in Libya,” cautions Ambassador Mohamed Rifaa, an Egyptian diplomat and former Ambassador to Libya. “Tribal leaders may fail to bridge existing divisions. Tensions may boil over if there’s a continued security vacuum.”
And with religion playing a significant role in conservative Libyan society, analysts also worry about a possible spread of religious extremism. This may take place despite the creation of a special commission by the National Transitional Council (NTC, the interim government leading Libya in the transitional period) to counter the influence of fundamentalists and to promote liberal ideas.
Tackling the humanitarian challenges, however, is currently the priority goal for the NTC. Tripoli’s two million residents face shortages in water , fuel and medicine, which, combined with regular power cuts and lack of proper sanitation, are creating dire conditions. If such problems are left unresolved, they could become life threatening, warn humanitarian agencies.
Providing security in the newly liberated areas is another huge challenge. Despite the challenges, many Libyans are hopeful that their country can transcend the difficulties and successfully make the democratic transition. But this can only happen, they say, if Libya gets the support it badly needs from the international community; support that has been forthcoming from some Western countries with a vested interest in supporting oil-rich Libya.
Government structures — which were non-existent under Gaddafi — are being formed, new political parties and civil society organisations are emerging, and there’s already talk of elections being organised.
“The Libyan people have suffered huge losses and paid a high price to achieve their democratic aspirations. Now it is only a matter of time before Gaddafi’s brutal regime collapses and we can forge ahead with the task of building a new, democratic Libya,” says a hopeful Khashab.
It’s a task that requires determination, the unifying of ranks inside Libya, a concerted international effort and a clear vision, he adds.
Journalist and television anchor Shahira Amin resigned her post as deputy head of state-run Nile TV on February. Read why she resigned from the “propaganda machine” here.
30 Aug 11 | Egypt, Middle East and North Africa
The world has been watching with bated breath as a third Arab authoritarian regime collapses. Crowds of jubilant Libyans continue to throng the capital’s Green Square to celebrate the end of Muammar Gaddafi’s 42-year reign of tyranny and oppression.
But unlike the international euphoria triggered by the ousting of the Egyptian and Tunisian dictators, Gaddafi’s downfall is being met with cautious optimism — perhaps, even, anxiety. Rather than being hailed as heroes, Libya’s young revolutionaries are being eyed with scepticism. The wariness, say analysts, is largely caused by a fear of the unknown, as many wonder who the rebels are and what the future holds for the North African country.
In the early stages of the uprising in Libya, Gaddafi had pointed the finger at Al Qaeda, accusing the rebels of having close ties with the terrorist organisation. He had hoped that the accusations would win him Western backing that would enable him to stay in power. But the rebels leading the public protests are not “terrorists”: they are ordinary Libyans demanding change, freedom and an end to authoritarian rule — as I found out on a recent trip to Benghazi, Libya’s second city. The rebel city has been free from dictatorship since February this year.
The rebels I met during my trip in May asserted that their demands were similar to those of the opposition activists in Egypt and Tunisia.
“We simply want to see an end to the era of brutality and oppression. The Libyan people have suffered for long…we now want our freedom and dignity,” Khalad Khashab, a senior Gaddafi aide who defected to Egypt in February told me.
And like pro-democracy activists who led the Egyptian and Tunisian mass uprisings, the young Libyan revolutionaries also take pride in their revolution. There’s rarely any mention of the support they’ve been getting from NATO forces, which for months now have carried out aerial attacks against Gaddafi defence positions. Chants of “Libya hurra, Libya is free” echo through the streets of Benghazi and youths are often seen flashing the victory sign as they climb on top of charred cars and raise the rebels’ red, black and green flag.
And now that they are free from repression, the young activists in Benghazi are using every means possible to express themselves. The graffifi on the walls, the launch of new radio stations and internet TV channels the public debates about their future, the increased volunteerism and political activism are all manifestations of their newfound freedom. In Benghazi’s “Revolution Square”, citizens gather nightly to recite poetry, make public speeches, sing revolutionary songs or simply exchange anecdotes. The square has been transformed into a Hyde Park-style Speakers’ Corner, where young men and women can vent their hatred of an autocratic leader who for decades, stifled all forms of free expression and creativity.
Many young Libyans, feeling they now have a stake in their own country, volunteer to direct traffic, patrol the streets or collect donations to help casualties of the uprising or the martyrs’ families. Meanwhile, civil society organisations devoted to causes ranging from the promotion of women’s rights to environmental protection are rapidly mushrooming in the new Libya.
The desire to end years of isolation is also evident with the flags of friendly nations flying high over key bridges and in front of government buildings. It’s a small gesture of appreciation for the support afforded the rebels but also a signal of the Libyan people’s keenness to join the international fold.
Much of the graffiti on the streets pokes fun at Gaddafi but some of the messages also offer warnings against tribalism and religious extremism, likely challenges that Gaddafi threatened would confront any future government in Libya. And while the “One Libya” slogan is highly popular among the rebels, sceptics point out that it remains just that: a mere slogan. Analysts are concerned that the divide between regime loyalists and rebel forces may continue long after the country is free from Gaddafi’s authoritarian grip. They point to the rights violations often committed by one group against the other.
In a worst-case scenario, there’s the possibility of civil war breaking out.
“Tribal differences are deep-rooted in Libya,” cautions Ambassador Mohamed Rifaa, an Egyptian diplomat and former Ambassador to Libya. “Tribal leaders may fail to bridge existing divisions. Tensions may boil over if there’s a continued security vacuum.”
And with religion playing a significant role in conservative Libyan society, analysts also worry about a possible spread of religious extremism. This may take place despite the creation of a special commission by the National Transitional Council (NTC, the interim government leading Libya in the transitional period) to counter the influence of fundamentalists and to promote liberal ideas.
Tackling the humanitarian challenges, however, is currently the priority goal for the NTC. Tripoli’s two million residents face shortages in water , fuel and medicine, which, combined with regular power cuts and lack of proper sanitation, are creating dire conditions. If such problems are left unresolved, they could become life threatening, warn humanitarian agencies.
Providing security in the newly liberated areas is another huge challenge. Despite the challenges, many Libyans are hopeful that their country can transcend the difficulties and successfully make the democratic transition. But this can only happen, they say, if Libya gets the support it badly needs from the international community; support that has been forthcoming from some Western countries with a vested interest in supporting oil-rich Libya.
Government structures — which were non-existent under Gaddafi — are being formed, new political parties and civil society organisations are emerging, and there’s already talk of elections being organised.
“The Libyan people have suffered huge losses and paid a high price to achieve their democratic aspirations. Now it is only a matter of time before Gaddafi’s brutal regime collapses and we can forge ahead with the task of building a new, democratic Libya,” says a hopeful Khashab.
It’s a task that requires determination, the unifying of ranks inside Libya, a concerted international effort and a clear vision, he adds.
Journalist and television anchor Shahira Amin resigned her post as deputy head of state-run Nile TV on February. Read why she resigned from the “propaganda machine” here.
