Offensive art: The right to protest but not to censor

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We the undersigned members of Artsfex condemn an alarming worldwide trend in which violent protest silences artistic expression that some groups claim is offensive. People have every right to object to art they find objectionable but no right whatsoever to have that work censored. Free expression, including work that others may find shocking or offensive, is a right that must be defended vigorously.

We call on artists, arts venues, protestors and the police to work together as a matter of urgency, to stand up for artistic free expression and to ensure that the right to protest does not override the right to free expression. This means that every possible step is taken to ensure that the art work remains open for all to see, while protesters voices are heard.

We must prevent the repetition of recent ‘successful protests’ in which the artist is silenced by threats of violence towards the institution, the work or the artist him or herself, as we saw with Exhibit B in London, and The City, the hip-hop opera by the Jerusalem-based Incubator Theatre company, which was disrupted and consequently cancelled earlier this year in Edinburgh.

Greater clarity around policing of controversial arts events is an essential first step. In the United Kingdom there is nothing at present in Association of Chief Police Officers guidance relating to the particulars of policing cultural events, except in reference to football matches and music festivals.

Controversial art triggers debate – and in the case of Exhibit B there was a huge outpouring of feeling in opposition to the work. A contemporary institution should anticipate and provide for this. Detailed planning such as this is important if the arts venue is to cater for both the artwork and the debate it generates.

We are concerned that unless arts institutions prepare procedures to manage controversy, including to develop strategies for working with the police to control violence, our culture will suffer as a result and become less dynamic, relevant and responsive.

Article 19
freeDimensional
Freemuse
Index on Censorship
National Coalition Against Censorship (US)
Vivarta

For further information, please call 0207 260 2660

About Artsfex
ARTSFEX is an international civil society network actively concerned with the right of artists to freedom of expression as well as with issues relating to human rights and freedoms. ARTSFEX aims to promote, protect and defend artistic freedom of expression, and freedom of assembly, thought, and opinion in and across all art disciplines, globally. http://artsfex.org/

German cabinet minister stokes Facebook hysteria

Ilse Aigner, the Minister for Food, Agriculture and Consumer Protection, has issued a letter to all government ministries demanding that they cease any form of online connection with Facebook, including use of fan pages and the recently demonised “like button”. Continuing the debate over ‘privacy concerns’ and the social networking site, she issued a letter quoted in news magazine Der Spiegel as outlining “legal concerns” over government ministries’ use of any technology linked in to the platform.

Der Spiegel quotes the letter as saying: “Following an extensive legal probe I think it is essential that we should no longer use the Facebook button on all official government internet sites under our control.” The form that this “extensive legal probe” took is as yet unknown, although the letter claims that it threw up “justified legal doubts” about fan pages, which allow users to view information of an organisation via the social networking platform.

Aigner added that “logically enough”, the Ministry for Food, Agriculture and Consumer Protection has no fan page on the site or provides a link to it via the “like” button, which was recently banned by the state of Schleswig-Holstein over data storage concerns. Despite Facebook issuing a statement in reaction to the ban arguing that users “liking” the page results in their data being stored for the industry-standard 90 days, Aigner chose to ignore this and stoke the fires of paranoia.

She also seems to have ignored the idea of Facebook as a social networking platform for user-generated content. While fan pages may store data on a ministry, that data is submitted by the ministry themselves, as is the application to link through the “like” button. Therefore, not only is it another chance for that particular part of the institution to self-publicise (no Malcolm Tuckers needed), but it provides a platform for users of the service to communicate with the ministry.

Or it could do if used correctly — witness the general page for the German parliament, the Bundestag. The page contains some basic location information as well as a spirited review from a tourist stating that “its really a wounderfull [sic] place to be visited”. Probing it isn’t; frankly it’s underusing its social networking potential, using the site to flag up its existence and nothing more.

The demand that government departments and parliamentarians should “set a good example and show that they give a high priority to the protection of personal data” seems misplaced when here it is more concerned with institutional privacy. Data protection for individuals is a different concern to the openness of institutions, for whom the internet is undoubtedly the biggest facilitator when it comes to making internal information public and easily accessible. As exhibit B, take a look at the page for the US Department of Homeland Security. Even this department, to which openness is very much a foreign concept, has created a page where citizens are free to comment and spark discussions stemming from departmental press releases or documents. Simply put, the potential for web 2.0 applications such as Facebook to provide a previously unavailable forum for communication with government departments should be welcomed, not shied away from.

Even Der Spiegel linked Aigner’s letter to the “ongoing German concern that the social networking site threatens data privacy”, in a way which suggested that this particular form of hysteria is a legitimate complaint. Essentially, this taps into a vein of fear about social media and data collection in this country, stemming from a past where record keeping was the fuel of oppressive regimes. The horrors which were perpetrated through the surveillance society of the German Democratic Republic, where the Stasi (the Ministry of State Security) encouraged citizens to spy on their neighbours and all activities were tightly monitored and recorded are legendary, as immortalised in popular culture through the film “Das Leben der Anderen”  (“The Lives of Others”). Any form of public record keeping is therefore treated with extreme suspicion; the Austrian cabaret artist Michael Niavarani is famously quoted as stating in an interview that “Facebook ist Stasi auf freiwilliger Basis” (“Facebook is people freely signing up to Stasi surveillance”).

Aigner’s letter is designed to appeal to this sense of free-floating public unease and distrust around social media, stoking this fear in a way that is both contradictory and to the benefit of government. Firstly, the idea that institutions need to “set an example” to prevent people from voluntarily sharing information is a protectionist attitude to prevent the populace doing something it is thus believed they don’t fully understand. This attitude is not so far from that of the Stasi, who believed their surveillance was for the protection of the populace. Secondly, telling people that this is about “personal” data is a fallacy, it is an example of the government playing on fears in order to avoid exposing likely mostly harmless data, and providing a light-hearted social forum with which to allow citizens to discuss government activity. The only people that Aigner’s letter is out to protect is the German government itself, not the populace whose fears it seeks to draw on.

Statement of principle

Crossposted from the National Coalition Against Censorship (US)

Free Expression at Risk, at Yale and Elsewhere

A number of recent incidents suggest that our long-standing commitment to the free exchange of ideas is in peril of falling victim to a spreading fear of violence. Not only have exhibitions been closed and performances canceled in response to real threats, but the mere possibility that someone, somewhere, might respond with violence has been advanced to justify suppressing words and images, as in the recent decision of Yale University to remove all images of Mohammed from Jytte Klausen’s book, The Cartoons that Shook the World.

Violence against those who create and disseminate controversial words and images is a staple of human history. But in the recent past, at least in liberal democracies, commitment to free speech has usually trumped fears of violence. Indeed, as late as 1989, Salman Rushdie’s Satanic Verses continued to be published, sold, and read in the face of a fatwa against its author and in the face of the murder and attempted murder of its translators and publishers. In 1998, the Manhattan Theater Club received threats protesting the production of Terrence McNally’s play, Corpus Christi, on the ground that it was offensive to Catholics. After initially canceling the play, MTC reversed its decision in response to widespread concerns about free speech, and the play was performed without incident.

There are signs, however, that the commitment to free speech has become eroded by fears of violence. Historical events, especially the attacks of September 2001 and subsequent bombings in Madrid and London, have contributed to this process by bringing terrorist violence to the heart of liberal democracies. Other events, like the 2004 murder of Dutch film director Theo Van Gogh in apparent protest against his film “Submission,” and the threats against Ayaan Hirsi Ali, who wrote the script and provided the voice-over for the film, demonstrated how vulnerable artists and intellectuals can be just for voicing controversial ideas. Under such threats, the resolve to uphold freedom of speech has proved to be lamentably weak: in the same year as Van Gogh’s murder, Behzti, a play written by a British Sikh playwright, was canceled days after violence erupted among protesters in Birmingham, England on opening night.

In response to rising concerns about fear-induced self-censorship, in 2005 the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten published an article, “The face of Mohammed,” which included twelve cartoon images. The cartoons became the focus of a series of violent political rallies in the Middle East in February 2006 and a subject of worldwide debate pitting free speech against “cultural sensitivity.”

For all the prominence of religion in such debates, threats of violence against words and images are not the sole province of religious extremists. In 2005, a politically controversial professor’s scheduled speech at Hamilton College in Clinton, NY was canceled in response to threats of violence. In 2008, the San Francisco Art Institute closed a controversial video exhibition in response to threats of violence against faculty members by animal rights activists. Later that year, the University of Nebraska-Lincoln canceled a speech by former Weatherman and education theorist William Ayers citing security concerns.

The possibility of giving offense and provoking violence has entered the imagination of curators, publishers and the public at large, generating more and more incidents of preemptive self-censorship: in 2006, for instance, London’s Whitechapel gallery declared twelve works by Surrealist master Hans Bellmer too dangerous to exhibit because of fears that the sexual overtones would be offensive to the large Muslim population in the area; and publisher Random House canceled the 2008 publication of Sherry Jones’ The Jewel of Medina because “it could incite acts of violence.” The suppression of images in Jytte Klausen’s book is the latest, but not likely to be the last in the series of such incidents.

Words and images exist in complex socio-political contexts. Suppressing controversial expression cannot erase the underlying social tensions that create the conditions for violence to begin with, but it does create a climate that chills and eventually corrupts the fundamental values of liberal democracy.

A Call to Action

The incident at Yale provides an opportunity to re-examine our commitment to free expression. When an academic institution of such standing asserts the need to suppress scholarly work because of a theoretical possibility of violence “somewhere in the world,” it grants legitimacy to censorship and casts serious doubt on their, and our, commitment to freedom of expression in general, and academic freedom in particular.

The failure to stand up for free expression emboldens those who would attack and undermine it. It is time for colleges and universities in particular to exercise moral and intellectual leadership. It is incumbent on those responsible for the education of the next generation of leaders to stand up for certain basic principles: that the free exchange of ideas is essential to liberal democracy; that each person is entitled to hold and express his or her own views without fear of bodily harm; and that the suppression of ideas is a form of repression used by authoritarian regimes around the world to control and dehumanize their citizens and squelch opposition.

To paraphrase Ben Franklin, those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, will get neither liberty nor safety.

Letters from Lukashenka’s Prisoners

 

Following a highly disputed election, Belarusian dictator Alyaksandr Lukashenka claimed victory in August 2020. Protests erupted and a vicious crackdown ensued. Four years on from the election, there are more than 1400 political prisoners in Belarus. Join Index on Censorship for an evening of art, activism and film exploring the true stories of political dissidents behind bars.

Film Screening
The Accidental President by Roast Beef Productions follows the incredible but true story of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, an ordinary housewife from Belarus who was thrust onto the international political stage when her husband was arrested for daring to challenge Alexander Lukashenka for the presidency.

With her husband a political prisoner, Tsikhanouskaya courageously stepped forward and won the popular vote – but was robbed of her democratic victory by Lukashenka’s dictatorial hand on power. Unbowed by deadly threats from her powerful political rival and the KGB, Tsikhanouskaya became a beacon of hope for change in her country.

Panel Discussion
Join activists, experts and film makers for a short discussion on making The Accidental President and an exploration of what dissent looks and feels like in Belarus.

Exhibition
Letters from Lukashenka’s Prisoners gives unjustly detained individuals a voice by collecting, translating, publishing and displaying their letters. The exhibition includes original artwork and poetry. Designed and curated by Martha Hegarty on behalf of Index on Censorship.

The exhibition is inspired by Letters from Lukashenka’s Prisonersa project that was carried out by Index on Censorship in partnership with Belarus Free TheatreHuman Rights House Foundation and Politzek.me between 2021 and 2023.

Book a free ticket