Europe after the Berlin Wall: Latest issue

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As Europe prepares for the anniversary of the wall’s demolition in November, Index on Censorship looks at how the continent has changed. Author Irena Maryniak explores the idea of a new divide that has formed further east. Polish journalist Konstanty Gebert looks at how Poland’s media came out from the underground and lost its voice.

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Award-winning German writer Regula Venske shows how Germany has tackled its identity issues through crime fiction; and Helen Womack reports from Moscow on the fears of a new Cold War. We also give voice to “Generation Wall”  – the young people who have grown up in a free eastern Europe.

When the wall came down in 1989, there were discussions in the Index office about whether our battles were over. Sadly, we all know there was no universal end to censorship on that day. This issue also shares stories of the continuing fight for free expression worldwide, from a scheme to fund investigative journalism in Tanzania to an ambitious crowdsourcing project in Syria.

Also in this issue:

• Dame Janet Suzman looks at censorship of South African theatre on the 20th anniversary of South African democracy

• Jim Al-Khalili shares his thoughts on threats to science research and debate

• Ex BBC World Service boss Richard Sambrook goes head-to-head with Bruno Torturra, from Brazil’s Mídia Ninja, to debate the future of big media

Plus:

• Two new short stories – exclusive to Index – from Costa first novel winner Christie Watson and Turkish novelist Kaya Genç

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Freedom 25 years after the fall

Editorial: Europe’s past is being rewritten, says Rachael Jolley

Going overground: Konstanty Gebert on Poland’s underground media

Generation Wall:  Under 25 year olds speak out on Europe now and then – Tymoteusz Chajdas, Milana Knezevic, Ivett Korosi and Victoria Pavlova

Enemies of the people: Matthias Biskupek on book censorship in East Germany

Judging Prague’s democratic difficulties: Jiri Pehe explores the quality of Czech democracy

Stripsearch cartoon: Martin Rowson conveys swapping communism for capitalism

The new divide: Thomas Rothschild believes the world didn’t get better after the fall

The other wall: Irena Maryniak on why Europe’s dividing line shifted

Mystery of regional identity: Regula Venske looks at how crime fiction shaped Germany

Empire line: Helen Womack on Russia’s retreating ideology

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Bordering isolation: Kate Maltby explores attitudes to minorities in Turkey

Pakistan at a crossroads: Haroon Ullah looks the power of landlords and their influence on voting

Spying on the censors: Roger Highfield on how metadata could expose regimes

Going in deep:  The risks facing Tanzania’s journalists, by Jess McCabe and Erick Kabendera

Open books: Susanne Metz on the vital role of libraries in exchanging ideas

Legal divisions: Dominique Mondoloni compares French and English libel laws

Cape crusader: Natasha Joseph interviews retiring South African politician Ben Turok

Syria’s inside track: Vicky Baker looks at crowdsourcing news in conflict 

Mapped out: Guyana’s indigenous mapmakers, by Vicky Baker

When one door closes: Kaya Genç looks at whether Turkey should turns east or west

LA story: Ed Fuentes on lifting the graffiti ban in Los Angeles

Secrets and lives: Tarashea Nesbit tells the story of the wives at Los Alamos

Marching on: Nicole Mezzasalma looks at Brazil’s unprecedented protests

History revision: Saurav Datta on why India’s colonial laws haven’t changed

Brain unboxed: Rachael Jolley interviews scientist Jim Al-Khalili

Future imperfect: Jason Daponte explores online copying, control and protection

Degree of inequality: Jemimah Steinfeld reveals how China’s education system discriminates against women

Head to head: Richard Sambrook and Bruno Torturra debate whether big or small media have the control

On the ground in Argentina: Adrian Bono on the president’s love of one-way communication

On the ground in South Korea: Sybil Jones shares first-hand knowledge and looks at how news slips out

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Stage directions in South Africa: Actor and director Janet Suzman on post-apartheid theatre

Big men, big decisions: Christie Watson’s new short story, based in Nigeria

“The exiled poet, free once more”: Robert Chandler translates Lev Ozerov’s poetry

Ghost of Turkey’s past: Kaya Genç’s exclusive short story on Turkish feminist Halide Edip Adivar

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Global view: Index’s new CEO Jodie Ginsberg on fighting censorship on and offline

Index around the world: Alice Kirkland’s update on news from Index’s global work

[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”END NOTE” css=”.vc_custom_1481880278935{margin-right: 0px !important;margin-left: 0px !important;border-bottom-width: 1px !important;padding-top: 15px !important;padding-bottom: 15px !important;border-bottom-color: #455560 !important;border-bottom-style: solid !important;}”][vc_column_text]

Campus clampdown: Taylor Walker looks at free speech zones at US universities

[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”SUBSCRIBE” css=”.vc_custom_1481736449684{margin-right: 0px !important;margin-left: 0px !important;border-bottom-width: 1px !important;padding-bottom: 15px !important;border-bottom-color: #455560 !important;border-bottom-style: solid !important;}”][vc_column_text]Index on Censorship magazine was started in 1972 and remains the only global magazine dedicated to free expression. Past contributors include Samuel Beckett, Gabriel García Marquéz, Nadine Gordimer, Arthur Miller, Salman Rushdie, Margaret Atwood, and many more.[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_single_image image=”76572″ img_size=”full”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_column_text]In print or online. Order a print edition here or take out a digital subscription via Exact Editions.

Copies are also available at the BFI, the Serpentine Gallery, MagCulture, (London), News from Nowhere (Liverpool), Home (Manchester), Calton Books (Glasgow) and on Amazon. Each magazine sale helps Index on Censorship continue its fight for free expression worldwide.

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30 June: Play on or red card? A draw the line event

Red Card

 

‘Football can inspire communities and break down barriers. Football is for all…everybody has the right to play football free from discrimination or prejudice’ – FIFA

You won’t often see Belgium playing ball with Russia, or Iran standing shoulder to shoulder with Argentina. But events like the World Cup offer a rare chance for politically opposed countries to interact in a way that governments don’t allow.

In a sporting tournament, should we ignore a country’s track record of suppressing journalists, censoring campaigners or blocking the internet? Or should we blow the whistle on free speech abusers and show the worst free-speech abusers a red card?

For our first #IndexDrawTheLine event, we are opening up our offices to anyone under the age of 25 to come and debate this thorny question. Join us to find out who the worst offenders at Rio 2014? And have your say on what referees should do: let countries play on or give them a red card?

 

WHEN: Monday 30th June, 5.30-7pm
WHERE: Index on Censorship, 92-94 Tooley Street, London, SE1 2TH
TICKETS: This event is FREE for under 25’s, please RSVP here.

 

DRAW THE LINE is a new project for tomorrow’s leaders, artists, journalists and campaigners to get involved in fighting censorship: share your thoughts in the #IndexDrawtheLine discussion forum, take on the debate at our monthly events or contribute to our Young Writers / Artists programme. Tell us – where do you draw the line?

Good sports: Which free-speech offending countries should we blow the whistle on?

Protests against increase in public transportation costs in Rio de Janeiro on 13 February (Image: Mauricio Fidalgo/Demotix)

Protests against increase in public transportation costs in Rio de Janeiro on 13 February (Image: Mauricio Fidalgo/Demotix)

The World Cup — arguably the biggest international event on the planet — is upon us once more. But in the past year, Brazilians have been using their rights to free expression to organise large-scale protests to show their dissatisfaction with hosting the tournament. Meanwhile, revelations of serious human rights violations and corruption related to 2022 host Qatar have emerged. This year, human rights are sharing the spotlight with the beautiful game and its stars.

This isn’t the first time politics and sports have mixed. Just think of the Formula 1 Grand Prix races hosted in Gulf kingdom Bahrain, where authorities have cracked down on pro-democracy protesters; or the 2008 Olympics organised by the Chinese communist regime, which employs two million people to help monitor web activity; or the 1978 World Cup held in then-military dictatorship Argentina. More recently, Vladimir Putin’s Russia hosted the Winter Olympics (and will host the 2018 World Cup) not long after implementing homophobic legislation targeting so-called “gay propaganda”, while Belarus, which has been ruled by dictator Alexander Lukashenko since 1994, organised the 2014 Ice Hockey World Championship. Azerbaijan, with its, according to the latest figures, 142 political prisoners, is playing host to the inaugural European Games in 2015.

That’s without even considering the many human rights abuses perpetrated by authorities in participating countries.

The question that often comes up when these huge, prestigious events roll around, is how do we respond to the countries that repress their citizen’s free expression? Should we boycott? Should we use the attention to raise our voice on human rights abuses? Should we engage or ignore? Get involved the discussion using the hashtag #IndexDrawtheLine and tell us — where do you draw the line?

This article was published on June 12, 2014 at indexoncensorship.org

A club of censors at the United Nations

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In a discretion well known to diplomatic circles, the United Nations so-called Committee on NGOs is meeting in New York this week. It is to select which NGOs fit the institution. The 19-member body’s aim could be to ensure a high-level and quality participation of independent NGOs to the United Nations – it is instead the 21st century censorship bureau.

Any governmental institution has to establish mechanisms by which participation of external organisations and lobbyists is regulated. The role of the Committee on NGOs of the United Nations is to look into applications of NGOs from all around the world. It is supposed to assess, case by case, whether the applicant NGO respects the Charter of the United Nations and abides by basic principles such as non-violence and democracy.

We know how much civil society has contributed to the development of the United Nations as such, and has been a force in pushing States to adopt a set of internationally binding standards to protect human rights and so many other issues. Access to the international bodies allowed NGOs to have a direct and formal input into the discussions. Unlike lobbyists at parliaments, representatives of NGOs can officially participate in the debates at the United Nations Human Rights Council. No need to be invited by an official or find strategies to get in contact with decision-makers. The access guaranteed to independent civil society, representing values and principles, not financial interests, is at the very core of the United Nations and a consequence of the organisation recognising it would be nothing if it had to count only on States to build itself and its standards up.

Some of those States are indeed the ones most willing to silence critical NGOs.

Throughout the globe, NGOs are fighting more and more for their own space in society, for their ability to work and defend victims of human rights violations. The work used to be all about those who loose their lives working as slaves, those who end up behind bars because of their beliefs, their engagement or their sexuality, those who loose their houses because from a day to another a ruler wants the land or a country believes it has the absolute right over it. Human rights defenders used to give body and soul to those people, and to so many others. Now, we need to include that we need to challenge governments shrinking the ability of those fighting for rights – human rights defenders need more and more to fight for themselves and their own space.

The United Nations should be an arena of dialogue aspiring to protect victims and promote peace. To do so, various voices are needed at the table. However, those who shrink space for civil society at home certainly do not want to see them at the table in New York or Geneva, or at any other international forum for that matter.

Along with inter alia Cuba, Pakistan and Venezuela, China and Russia are long-standing members of the Committee of NGOs. Both can proudly wear a label of censorship. Following President Vladimir Putin’s third election in March 2012, the country is undergoing a wave a repression and has adopted some of the most draconian laws against independent civil society. Dissenting with the Chinese regime is at the cost of one’s life, safety and integrity. The same behaviour is being observed by China and Russia at the Committee on NGOs – the institution is its tool to repress those the countries’ leadership do not agree with. And the consequences are grave. As world powers and permanent members of the Security Council, the two countries are already immune to critics within the UN on their rights record. The repression against political activists, human rights defenders and their NGOs, should have brought both countries to the centre of debates at the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly. It did not because they effectively prevents critics from getting into the room. Other States are now following the same strategy; one cannot believe that Azerbaijan, which will become a member of the Committee in 2015, shows a genuine interest in NGO participation in the international debate when it jails those who want to monitor the public life in Azerbaijan, such as the leader of the country’s only independent election monitoring group Anar Mammadli.

Member States of the Eastern European Group in the United Nations (the geographical groups are one of the legacies of the post world war era) should have run against Azerbaijan and Russia. Many of those Eastern Europe States are within the European Union. The Union was a step behind others by omitting to see that its willingness to promote rights and democracy in its direct neighbourhood will be affected by leaving a censorship tool in the hands of people who enjoy it.

Western countries have on their side left Turkey run unopposed for the Committee. The country has singled itself out recently, from all members of the Western European and Others Group, in blocking access to social media, especially Twitter. The single fact that a leader believes the power held in his hands allows him to block freedom of expression on the media of one’s choice should imply that that leader’s government is not to participate in the selection of civil society organisations participating in shaping the international arena.

Within the protected compound of the United Nations in Manhattan, the Committee on NGOs is this week looking into accepting those NGOs nobody will oppose, whilst blocking those NGOs publicly and forcefully engaging for human rights, including rights of people belonging to minorities or espousing minority beliefs. States should stand up for the space for critical NGOs. They might have the numbers and if they do not they are on the honourable side trying to support those NGOs that deserve to be at the United Nations. There is no shame in losing against censors – there is one in not trying to oppose them.

This article was posted on May 30, 2014 at indexoncensorship.org

 

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