Saudi Arabia: Kingdom must be held to account for suppression of dissent

Saudi journalist, Global Opinions columnist for the Washington Post, and former editor-in-chief of Al-Arab News Channel Jamal Khashoggi offers remarks during POMED’s “Mohammed bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia: A Deeper Look”. March 21, 2018, Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Washington, DC.

Saudi journalist, Global Opinions columnist for the Washington Post, and former editor-in-chief of Al-Arab News Channel Jamal Khashoggi offers remarks during POMED’s “Mohammed bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia: A Deeper Look”. March 21, 2018, Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Washington, DC.

Recognising the fundamental right to express our views, free from repression, we the undersigned civil society organisations call on the international community, including the United Nations, multilateral and regional institutions as well as democratic governments committed to the freedom of expression, to take immediate steps to hold Saudi Arabia accountable for grave human rights violations. The murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul on 2 October is only one of many gross and systematic violations committed by the Saudi authorities inside and outside the country. As the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists approaches on 2 November, we strongly echo calls for an independent investigation into Khashoggi’s murder, in order to hold those responsible to account.

This case, coupled with the rampant arrests of human rights defenders, including journalists, scholars and women’s rights activists; internal repression; the potential imposition of the death penalty on demonstrators; and the findings of the UN Group of Eminent Experts report which concluded that the Coalition, led by Saudi Arabia, have committed acts that may amount to international crimes in Yemen, all demonstrate Saudi Arabia’s record of gross and systematic human rights violations. Therefore, our organisations further urge the UN General Assembly to suspend Saudi Arabia from the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), in accordance with operative paragraph 8 of the General Assembly resolution 60/251.

Saudi Arabia has never had a reputation for tolerance and respect for human rights, but there were hopes that as Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman rolled out his economic plan (Vision 2030), and finally allowed women to drive, there would be a loosening of restrictions on women’s rights, and freedom of expression and assembly. However, prior to the driving ban being lifted in June, women human rights defenders received phone calls warning them to remain silent. The Saudi authorities then arrested dozens of women’s rights defenders (both female and male) who had been campaigning against the driving ban. The Saudi authorities’ crackdown against all forms of dissent has continued to this day.

Khashoggi criticised the arrests of human rights defenders and the reform plans of the Crown Prince, and was living in self-imposed exile in the US. On 2 October 2018, Khashoggi went to the Consulate in Istanbul with his fiancée to complete some paperwork, but never came out. Turkish officials soon claimed there was evidence that he was murdered in the Consulate, but Saudi officials did not admit he had been murdered until more than two weeks later.

It was not until two days later, on 20 October, that the Saudi public prosecution’s investigation released findings confirming that Khashoggi was deceased. Their reports suggested that he died after a “fist fight” in the Consulate, and that 18 Saudi nationals have been detained. King Salman also issued royal decrees terminating the jobs of high-level officials, including Saud Al-Qahtani, an advisor to the royal court, and Ahmed Assiri, deputy head of the General Intelligence Presidency. The public prosecution continues its investigation, but the body has not been found.

Given the contradictory reports from Saudi authorities, it is essential that an independent international investigation is undertaken.

On 18 October, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) called on Turkey to request that UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres establish a UN investigation into the extrajudicial execution of Khashoggi.

On 15 October 2018, David Kaye, the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, and Dr. Agnès Callamard, the UN Special Rapporteur on summary executions, called for “an independent investigation that could produce credible findings and provide the basis for clear punitive actions, including the possible expulsion of diplomatic personnel, removal from UN bodies (such as the Human Rights Council), travel bans, economic consequences, reparations and the possibility of trials in third states.”

We note that on 27 September, Saudi Arabia joined consensus at the UN HRC as it adopted a new resolution on the safety of journalists (A/HRC/Res/39/6). We note the calls in this resolution for “impartial, thorough, independent and effective investigations into all alleged violence, threats and attacks against journalists and media workers falling within their jurisdiction, to bring perpetrators, including those who command, conspire to commit, aid and abet or cover up such crimes to justice.” It also “[u]rges the immediate and unconditional release of journalists and media workers who have been arbitrarily arrested or arbitrarily detained.”

Khashoggi had contributed to the Washington Post and Al-Watan newspaper, and was editor-in-chief of the short-lived Al-Arab News Channel in 2015. He left Saudi Arabia in 2017 as arrests of journalists, writers, human rights defenders and activists began to escalate. In his last column published in the Washington Post, he criticised the sentencing of journalist Saleh Al-Shehi to five years in prison in February 2018. Al-Shehi is one of more than 15 journalists and bloggers who have been arrested in Saudi Arabia since September 2017, bringing the total of those in prison to 29, according to RSF, while up to 100 human rights defenders and possibly thousands of activists are also in detention according to the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) and Saudi partners including ALQST. Many of those detained in the past year had publicly criticised reform plans related to Vision 2030, noting that women would not achieve economic equality merely by driving.

Another recent target of the crackdown on dissent is prominent economist Essam Al-Zamel, an entrepreneur known for his writing about the need for economic reform. On 1 October 2018, the Specialised Criminal Court (SCC) held a secret session during which the Public Prosecution charged Al-Zamel with violating the Anti Cyber Crime Law by “mobilising his followers on social media.” Al-Zamel criticised Vision 2030 on social media, where he had one million followers. Al-Zamel was arrested on 12 September 2017 at the same time as many other rights defenders and reformists.

The current unprecedented targeting of women human rights defenders started in January 2018 with the arrest of Noha Al-Balawi due to her online activism in support of social media campaigns for women’s rights such as (#Right2Drive) or against the male guardianship system (#IAmMyOwnGuardian). Even before that, on 10 November 2017, the SCC in Riyadh sentenced Naimah Al-Matrod to six years in jail for her online activism.

The wave of arrests continued after the March session of the HRC and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) published its recommendations on Saudi Arabia. Loujain Al-Hathloul, was abducted in the Emirates and brought to Saudi Arabia against her will on 15 May 2018; followed by the arrest of Dr. Eman Al-Nafjan, founder and author of the Saudiwoman’s Weblog, who had previously protested the driving ban; and Aziza Al-Yousef, a prominent campaigner for women’s rights.

Four other women’s human rights defenders who were arrested in May 2018 include Dr. Aisha Al-Manae, Dr. Hessa Al-Sheikh and Dr. Madeha Al-Ajroush, who took part in the first women’s protest movement demanding the right to drive in 1990; and Walaa Al-Shubbar, a young activist well-known for her campaigning against the male guardianship system. They are all academics and professionals who supported women’s rights and provided assistance to survivors of gender-based violence. While they have since been released, all four women are believed to be still facing charges.

On 6 June 2018, journalist, editor, TV producer and woman human rights defender Nouf Abdulaziz was arrested after a raid on her home. Following her arrest, Mayya Al-Zahrani published a letter from Abdulaziz, and was then arrested herself on 9 June 2018, for publishing the letter.

On 27 June 2018, Hatoon Al-Fassi, a renowned scholar, and associate professor of women’s history at King Saud University, was arrested. She has long been advocating for the right of women to participate in municipal elections and to drive, and was one of the first women to drive the day the ban was lifted on 24 June 2018.

Twice in June, UN special procedures called for the release of women’s rights defenders. On 27 June 2018, nine independent UN experts stated, “In stark contrast with this celebrated moment of liberation for Saudi women, women’s human rights defenders have been arrested and detained on a wide scale across the country, which is truly worrying and perhaps a better indication of the Government’s approach to women’s human rights.” They emphasised that women human rights defenders “face compounded stigma, not only because of their work as human rights defenders, but also because of discrimination on gender grounds.”

Nevertheless, the arrests of women human rights defenders continued with Samar Badawi and Nassima Al-Sadah on 30 July 2018. They are being held in solitary confinement in a prison that is controlled by the Presidency of State Security, an apparatus established by order of King Salman on 20 July 2017. Badawi’s brother Raif Badawi is currently serving a 10-year prison sentence for his online advocacy, and her former husband Waleed Abu Al-Khair, is serving a 15-year sentence. Abu Al-Khair, Abdullah Al-Hamid, and Mohammad Fahad Al-Qahtani (the latter two are founding members of the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association – ACPRA) were jointly awarded the Right Livelihood Award in September 2018. Yet all of them remain behind bars.

Relatives of other human rights defenders have also been arrested. Amal Al-Harbi, the wife of prominent activist Fowzan Al-Harbi, was arrested by State Security on 30 July 2018 while on the seaside with her children in Jeddah. Her husband is another jailed member of ACPRA. Alarmingly, in October 2018, travel bans were imposed against the families of several women’s rights defenders, such as Aziza Al-Yousef, Loujain Al-Hathloul and Eman Al-Nafjan.

In another alarming development, at a trial before the SCC on 6 August 2018, the Public Prosecutor called for the death penalty for Israa Al-Ghomgam who was arrested with her husband Mousa Al-Hashim on 6 December 2015 after they participated in peaceful protests in Al-Qatif. Al-Ghomgam was charged under Article 6 of the Cybercrime Act of 2007 in connection with social media activity, as well as other charges related to the protests. If sentenced to death, she would be the first woman facing the death penalty on charges related to her activism. The next hearing is scheduled for 28 October 2018.

The SCC, which was set up to try terrorism cases in 2008, has mostly been used to prosecute human rights defenders and critics of the government in order to keep a tight rein on civil society.

On 12 October 2018, UN experts again called for the release of all detained women human rights defenders in Saudi Arabia. They expressed particular concern about Al-Ghomgam’s trial before the SCC, saying, “Measures aimed at countering terrorism should never be used to suppress or curtail human rights work.” It is clear that the Saudi authorities have not acted on the concerns raised by the special procedures – this non-cooperation further brings their membership on the HRC into disrepute.

Many of the human rights defenders arrested this year have been held in incommunicado detention with no access to families or lawyers. Some of them have been labelled traitors and subjected to smear campaigns in the state media, escalating the possibility they will be sentenced to lengthy prison terms. Rather than guaranteeing a safe and enabling environment for human rights defenders at a time of planned economic reform, the Saudi authorities have chosen to escalate their repression against any dissenting voices.

Our organisations reiterate our calls to the international community to hold Saudi Arabia accountable and not allow impunity for human rights violations to prevail.

We call on the international community, and in particular the UN, to:

  1. Take action to ensure there is an international, impartial, prompt, thorough, independent and effective investigation into the murder of journalist Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi;
  2. Ensure Saudi Arabia be held accountable for the murder of Khashoggi and for its systematic violations of human rights;
  3. Call a Special Session of the Human Rights Council on the recent wave of arrests and attacks against journalists, human rights defenders and other dissenting voices in Saudi Arabia;
  4. Take action at the UN General Assembly to suspend Saudi Arabia’s membership of the Human Rights Council; and
  5. Urge the government of Saudi Arabia to implement the below recommendations.

We call on the authorities in Saudi Arabia to:

  1. Produce the body of Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi and invite independent international experts to oversee investigations into his murder; cooperate with all UN mechanisms; and ensure that those responsible for his death, including those who hold command responsibility, are brought to justice;
  2. Immediately quash the convictions of all human rights defenders, including women and men advocating for gender equality, and drop all charges against them;
  3. Immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders, writers, journalists and prisoners of conscience in Saudi Arabia whose detention is a result of their peaceful and legitimate work in the promotion and protection of human rights including women’s rights;
  4. Institute a moratorium on the death penalty; including as punishment for crimes related to the exercise of rights to freedom of opinion and expression, and peaceful assembly;
  5. Guarantee in all circumstances that all human rights defenders and journalists in Saudi Arabia are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities and public interest reporting without fear of reprisal;
  6. Immediately implement the recommendations made by the UN Group of Eminent Experts on Yemen; and
  7. Ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and bring all national laws limiting the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association into compliance with international human rights standards.

Signed,

Access Now
Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT) – France
Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT) – Germany
Al-Marsad – Syria
ALQST for Human Rights
ALTSEAN-Burma
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB)
Amman Center for Human Rights Studies (ACHRS) – Jordan
Amman Forum for Human Rights
Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (ANHRI)
Armanshahr/OPEN ASIA
ARTICLE 19
Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC)
Asociación Libre de Abogadas y Abogados (ALA)
Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression (AFTE)
Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
Association malienne des droits de l’Homme (AMDH)
Association mauritanienne des droits de l’Homme (AMDH)
Association nigérienne pour la défense des droits de l’Homme (ANDDH)
Association of Tunisian Women for Research on Development
Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID)
Awan Awareness and Capacity Development Organization
Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD)
Bureau for Human Rights and the Rule of Law – Tajikistan
Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
Cambodian League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LICADHO)
Canadian Center for International Justice
Caucasus Civil Initiatives Center (CCIC)
Center for Civil Liberties – Ukraine
Center for Prisoners’ Rights
Center for the Protection of Human Rights “Kylym Shamy” – Kazakhstan
Centre oecuménique des droits de l’Homme (CEDH) – Haïti
Centro de Políticas Públicas y Derechos Humanos (EQUIDAD) – Perú
Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos (CALDH) – Guatemala
Citizen Center for Press Freedom
Citizens’ Watch – Russia
CIVICUS
Civil Society Institute (CSI) – Armenia
Code Pink
Columbia Law School Human Rights Clinic
Comité de acción jurídica (CAJ) – Argentina
Comisión Ecuménica de Derechos Humanos (CEDHU) – Ecuador
Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos – Dominican Republic
Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) -Northern Ireland
Committee to Protect Journalists
Committee for Respect of Liberties and Human Rights in Tunisia
Damascus Center for Human Rights in Syria
Danish PEN
DITSHWANELO – The Botswana Center for Human Rights
Dutch League for Human Rights (LvRM)
Election Monitoring and Democracy Studies Center – Azerbaijan
English PEN
European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (ECDHR)
European Saudi Organisation for Human Rights (ESOHR)
FIDH within the framework of the Observatory for the protection of human rights defenders
Finnish League for Human Rights
Freedom Now
Front Line Defenders
Fundación regional de asesoría en derechos humanos (INREDH) – Ecuador
Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (FHRI) – Uganda
Global Voices Advox
Groupe LOTUS (RDC)
Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)
Hellenic League for Human Rights (HLHR)
Human Rights Association (IHD) – Turkey
Human Rights Center (HRCIDC) – Georgia
Human Rights Center “Viasna” – Belarus
Human Rights Commission of Pakistan
Human Rights Concern (HRCE) – Eritrea
Human Rights in China
Human Rights Center Memorial
Human Rights Movement “Bir Duino Kyrgyzstan”
Human Rights Sentinel
IFEX
Index on Censorship
Initiative for Freedom of Expression (IFoX) – Turkey
Institut Alternatives et Initiatives citoyennes pour la Gouvernance démocratique (I-AICGD) – DR Congo
International Center for Supporting Rights and Freedoms (ICSRF) – Switzerland
Internationale Liga für Menscherechte
International Human Rights Organisation “Fiery Hearts Club” – Uzbekistan
International Legal Initiative (ILI) – Kazakhstan
International Media Support (IMS)
International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR)
International Press Institute
International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
Internet Law Reform and Dialogue (iLaw)
Iraqi Association for the Defense of Journalists’ Rights
Iraqi Hope Association
Italian Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
Justice for Iran
Karapatan – Philippines
Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and the Rule of Law
Khiam Rehabilitation Center for Victims of Torture
KontraS
Latvian Human Rights Committee
Lao Movement for Human Rights
Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada
League for the Defense of Human Rights in Iran (LDDHI)
Legal Clinic “Adilet” – Kyrgyzstan
Ligue algérienne de défense des droits de l’Homme (LADDH)
Ligue centrafricaine des droits de l’Homme
Ligue des droits de l’Homme (LDH) Belgium
Ligue des Electeurs (LE) – DRC
Ligue ivoirienne des droits de l’Homme (LIDHO)
Ligue sénégalaise des droits humains (LSDH)
Ligue tchadienne des droits de l’Homme (LTDH)
Maison des droits de l’Homme (MDHC) – Cameroon
Maharat Foundation
MARUAH – Singapore
Middle East and North Africa Media Monitoring Observatory
Monitoring Committee on Attacks on Lawyers, International Association of People’s Lawyers (IAPL)
Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos (MNDH) – Brasil
Muslims for Progressive Values
Mwatana Organization for Human Rights
National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists
No Peace Without Justice
Norwegian PEN
Odhikar
Open Azerbaijan Initiative
Organisation marocaine des droits humains (OMDH)
People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD)
People’s Watch
PEN America
PEN Canada
PEN International
PEN Lebanon
PEN Québec
Promo-LEX – Moldova
Public Foundation – Human Rights Center “Kylym Shamy” – Kyrgyzstan
Rafto Foundation for Human Rights
RAW in WAR (Reach All Women in War)
Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Right Livelihood Award Foundation
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
Sahrawi Media Observatory to document human rights violations
SALAM for Democracy and Human Rights (SALAM DHR)
Scholars at Risk (SAR)
Sham Center for Democratic Studies and Human Rights in Syria
Sisters’ Arab Forum for Human Rights (SAF) – Yemen
Solicitors International Human Rights Group
Syrian Center for Legal Studies and Research
Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)
Tanmiea – Iraq
Tunisian Association to Defend Academic Values
Tunisian Association to Defend Individual Rights
Tunisian Association of Democratic Women
Tunis Center for Press Freedom
Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights
Tunisian League to Defend Human Rights
Tunisian Organization against Torture
Urgent Action Fund for Women’s Human Rights (UAF)
Urnammu
Vietnam Committee on Human Rights
Vigdis Freedom Foundation
Vigilance for Democracy and the Civic State
Women Human Rights Defenders International Coalition
Women’s Center for Culture & Art – United Kingdom
World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA)
World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) within the framework of the Observatory for the protection of human rights defenders
Yemen Center for Human Rights
Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights)
17Shubat For Human Rights

No dejes rastro

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”97068″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_custom_heading text=”Mantener un verdadero anonimato en internet no es nada fácil cuando podrías tener rastreadores de anuncios o del gobierno intentando leer cada letra que tecleas. Mark Frary echa un vistazo a algunas de las tácticas que puedes utilizar para mantenerte seguro o incluso invisible mientras navegas.”][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]

Protege tu conexión

Los activistas de países en los que internet sufre una censura extrema y el tráfico está estrechamente monitorizado saben que utilizar una red privada virtual, o VPN (por sus siglas en inglés), es esencial a la hora de permanecer invisible.

Una VPN es como las cortinas de una casa: la gente sabe que estás, pero no pueden ver lo que haces. Esto se consigue creando un túnel encriptado que pasa por un servidor privado, a menudo ubicado en otro país, por el que fluyen tus datos de navegación. Esto significa que a alguien que esté monitorizando el tráfico web para descubrir a personas de su interés le sea imposible hacer precisamente eso. Sin embargo, el mero hecho de que estés utilizando una VPN puede levantar sospechas.

Existe una cantidad cada vez mayor de VPN que prometen un acceso completamente anónimo y que no registran ningún tipo de actividad, como ExpressVPN (expressvpn.com) o Anonymizer (anonymizer.com). Con todo, el acceso en algunos países a proveedores de VPN está bloqueado y su accesibilidad es siempre variable.

Capas de cebolla

Resulta que uno de los puntos fuertes de internet también es una de sus debilidades, al menos en lo que respecta a la privacidad. El tráfico web viaja por internet en paquetes de datos, cada uno de los cuales es posible que tome una ruta distinta entre emisor y receptor, saltando entre nodos en el proceso. Esto hace que la red sea resistente a un ataque físico —al no haber una conexión fija entre los dos extremos— pero también ayuda a identificar al remitente. Los paquetes contienen información de las direcciones IP tanto del emisor como del destinatario; un grave defecto si lo que necesitas es anonimato.

El onion routing(‘enrutamiento cebolla’) ofrece más privacidad. En este caso, los paquetes de datos están envueltos en capas de encriptación, como ocurre con las capas de una cebolla. En cada nodo se elimina una de las capas, revelando el siguiente lugar al que el paquete debe dirigirse. Lo bueno que tiene esto es que el nodo solo conoce los datos de las direcciones del nodo anterior y del siguiente, en lugar de los de toda la cadena.

Usar un onion routingno es tan complicado como podría parecer. A mediados de los años 90, unos investigadores de la marina estadounidense crearon un navegador llamado TOR (siglas de The Onion Routing project) fundamentado en este concepto, y lo ofrecieron a todo el mundo bajo una licencia gratuita.

Utilizar el navegador Tor (torproject.org) para acceder a la dark webes un modo muy potente de ocultar tu identidad, pero no es infalible. Hay documentadas varias técnicas para explotar sus puntos débiles, y hay quienes opinan que algunas agencias de seguridad las utilizan para monitorizar el tráfico.

Záfate de los rastreadores

Cada vez que visitas una web que recibe muchas visitas, partes de tu actividad es recolectada y filtrada cuidadosamente, a menudo por fragmentos de código procedentes de otras partes de la red. Hay una extensión para navegadores llamada Ghostery (ghostery.com) que te puede demostrar lo extendida que está la práctica. Al activar Ghostery en una visita reciente a la página web de Los Angeles Times, aparecieron 102 fragmentos de código diseñado para rastrear actividad web, procedentes de nombres famosos como Facebook o Google y también de algunos menos conocidos, como Audience Science y Criteo.

Mientras que parte de estos rastreos vienen motivados por un uso legítimo, tales como personalizar lo que ves en una página o adaptar los anuncios que te aparecen, algunos rastreadores, especialmente en países donde las leyes sobre cosas de este tipo son laxas o inexistentes, están haciendo todo lo posible por identificarte.

El problema es que estos rastreadores pueden llegar a descubrir quién eres como quien resuelve un puzle. Imagina que has visitado unas cuantas páginas en internet, has leído un artículo en una publicación prohibida y luego has echado una ojeada a un foro de debate controvertido. Un rastreador externo de los que se utilizan para poner anuncios puede aprender sobre este comportamiento. Si justo después entras en otra página web que incluya tu identidad, como por ejemplo una red social, toda esa información puede reunirse de pronto en el mismo sitio. Hay extensiones de código abierto como Disconnect (disconnect.me) que ofrecen un modo de inhabilitar rastreadores de este tipo.

Usa la web segura

Hay un número cada vez mayor de páginas con mucho tráfico que obligan a sus visitantes a conectarse a ellas de forma segura. Puedes ver cuáles son porque sus direcciones empiezan con ‘https’ en lugar de ‘http’. El uso de https significa que la página que visitas estará autenticada y que tus comunicaciones con ella están encriptadas, de tal modo que impiden los llamados ataques de suplantación de identidad: aquellos en los que una persona se coloca con intenciones maliciosas entre otras dos que supone en comunicación directa y altera lo que se está comunicando. Google, además de utilizar el https tanto para Gmail como para su buscador, también está impulsando su adopción por otras páginas web al promocionar aquellas que lo hacen en su posicionamiento de búsqueda.

En lugar de andar acordándose siempre de comprobar si están usando https, hay quienes utilizan una extensión para navegadores, creada por la Electronic Frontier Foundation y Tor Project, llamada HTTPS Everywhere (eff.org/https-everywhere), que lo hace por ellos. Está disponible para Chrome, Firefox y Opera, y obliga a los navegadores a utilizar versiones https de las páginas, siempre que haya una disponible.

Oculta tus huellas

Mientras que los métodos tradicionales de identificación en la red se valen de cosas como direcciones IP y cookies, algunas organizaciones emplean técnicas mucho más sofisticadas, como lo que se conoce como browser fingerprinting. Cuando visitas una página, el navegador podría estar compartiendo información sobre tu idioma predeterminado y las extensiones y fuentes que tienes instaladas. Quizá suene inofensivo, pero es posible que tu configuración de elementos sea única, y, aunque no permita que otros sepan quién eres, sí se puede utilizar para asociar tu historial web con la huella de tu navegador, o fingerprint. Puedes comprobar lo poco protegido que estás visitando panopticlick.eff.org.

Una manera de tratar de evitar esta situación es con una configuración de navegador comúnmente utilizada, como puede serlo Chrome instalado en Windows 10, con las extensiones y fuentes habituales. Apagar Javascript puede ser de ayuda, pero por otro lado hace que muchas páginas queden inutilizables. También se puede instalar la extensión de EFF para navegadores Privacy Badger para obstaculizar el trabajo de los rastreadores invisibles.

[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Mark Frary es periodista y coautor de You Call This The Future?: The Greatest Inventions Sci-Fi Imagined and Science Promised (Chicago Review Press, 2008).

Este artículo fue publicado en la revista Index on Censorship en otoño de 2017.

Traducción de Arrate Hidalgo.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

Authors send letter to His Royal Highness Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image image=”102525″ img_size=”full” add_caption=”yes”][vc_column_text]Leading writers including Margaret Atwood, Elif Shafak and Claire Tomalin have signed an open letter to the king of Bahrain urging him to intervene in the case of a political prisoner being denied the right to read in jail.

Hassan Mushaima, a leader of the political opposition in Bahrain who was part of the country’s Arab spring protests, has faced repeated torture, and humiliating and degrading treatment in prison. A cancer sufferer, Mr Mushaima has been denied access to all but the most basic medical care. In the latest effort to break Mr Mushaima’s spirit, the prison authorities have confiscated all of the former English teacher’s books — more than 100 collected during his seven years in jail.

His son, Ali, who lives in exile in Britain, is on the 36th day of a hunger strike outside the Bahrain embassy in London protesting on behalf of his father.

“In some ways when you are prisoner, your books are not less important than your life-saving medication,” said Ali. “While your medicine physically saves your body, the books you have saves your mind in a place where life seems to stand still

“My father is a researcher and his books where how he spent his days in prison, they gave him purpose. Taking them away from him felt like a new way to suffocate him in his prison.”

The letter follows:

Your Highness,

We write to you on behalf of Bahraini activist Hassan Mushaima to ask for your assistance in assuring his fair treatment in jail and in particular the return or replacement of his books. Mr Mushaima is a leader of the political opposition in Bahrain and in 2011 was part of the Arab spring protests – a mass movement that peacefully called for human rights and democratic reforms in the kingdom.

Mr Mushaima, along with other leading human rights defenders and opposition figures – known collectively as the Bahrain 13 – was arrested, tortured and sentenced to life imprisonment, simply for calling for democracy.

Throughout his detention, Mr Mushaima has been subjected to humiliating, inhumane treatment in Jau prison. The torture he has endured has caused such severe problems that he has required surgery four times. Although Mr Mushaima has been allowed access to basic medical care in recent days following a hunger strike – which is still ongoing – by his son Ali Mushaima outside the Bahraini embassy in London, he has been denied access to other basic rights – such as access to reading material.

Over the past seven years, Mr Mushaima has accumulated a collection of more than 100 books in jail. These include books on history, religious teachings, and English dictionaries and grammar books. However, the prison authorities have now confiscated these books and we have since learned that they may have been destroyed. We ask your assistance in calling on prison authorities to return or replace these books – and to ensure Mr Mushaima’s fair treatment in prison.

Access to reading materials is considered to be a basic condition for humane treatment of prisoners worldwide: UN general assembly resolution 45/111 on the Basic Principles for the Treatment of Prisoners proclaims that “All prisoners shall have the right to take part in cultural activities and education aimed at the full development of the human personality.”

Mr Mushaima deserves to be treated with dignity. This is a right that should accorded to all prisoners. We urge you to restore Mr Mushaima’s dignity by returning his books.

Yours,

Lisa Appignanesi

Margaret Atwood

Amanda Craig

Ariel Dorfman

Daniel Hahn

Ruth Padel

Elif Shafak

Gillian Slovo

Ali Smith

Preti Taneja

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Bahraini activist Ali Mushaima hospitalised

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Bahraini activist Ali Mushaima was hospitalised after completing one month of his hunger strike outside the Bahrain Embassy in London to protest the inhuman treatment of his 70-year-old father, political prisoner Hassan Mushaima, while serving a life sentence in Bahrain. Mushaima was taken to St Thomas’ Hospital in Westminster by ambulance Thursday afternoon.

Since the beginning of Mushaima’s protest on 1 August, he has lost 13 Kg. Mushaima’s doctor, who paid him a visit outside the Embassy last night, said his health conditions were critical, including low sugar levels which had reached 4.1, low body temperature and low blood pressure. This morning, Ali’s sugar levels reached 3.2.

On 28 August, Mushaima received a call from his father who informed him that he was taken to the hospital unshackled for a PET cancer scan. This came after two years in which the Bahraini authorities have denied him access to an oncologist. Hassan also told Ali that all of his books, personal notes, writing material and even the Quran might have been destroyed after being confiscated without “any legal or logical justification” in October 2017. The authorities appear to have taken this action even though the materials were previously approved by the prison administration. This information was provided to a fellow inmate by a prison officer while Hassan was at the hospital.

Mushaima has publicly spoken about his father’s mistreatment, including contacting the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and writing to the Queen, asking Her to use Her strong friendship with the King of Bahrain to help him save his father.

Mushaima’s peaceful protest and his efforts to save his father have now gained cross-party support in the UK. SNP Ian Blackford, called on the Secretary of State to step in and demand Hassan Mushaima’s release. The co-leaders of the Green Party, Caroline Lucas MP and Jonathan Bartley, have additionally written to MENA Minister Alistair Burt to demand intervention.

BIRD has written to the Foreign Office to express concerns that it is relying on assurances by the Bahraini government and the UK-trained National Institute for Human Rights (NIHR) in Bahrain. Through its technical assistance programme, since 2012 the UK government has been funding various institutions in Bahrain that are complicit in the denial of adequate medical treatment, including the NIHR.

Mushaima told BIRD yesterday: “The Bahraini authorities are shameless. It took a month of hunger strike in London before they allowed my father to undertake his cancer screening in Bahrain. The same happened with my other requests which they ultimately acknowledged. I will not stop until my father gets what he is entitled to, and the more authorities abuse him, the more I will expose them.”

Commenting, BIRD Director of Advocacy, Sayed Ahmed Alwadaei said: “It is heartbreaking to see someone going through so much suffering to demand respect for the most basic human rights that everyone should be entitled to. Instead of meeting Ali’s simple demands, the Bahraini Government tried to publicly defame him. In so doing, the Gulf Kingdom is normalising a new worrying pattern of abuse against political prisoners, and by backing their lies, the UK has now become part of the problem, rather than a solution.”

Background:

In response to Ali’s hunger strike, Hassan Mushaima received a cancer scan and has been given access to vital medication that was previously unavailable to him, but several issues remain:

  • In January 2018, Hassan Mushaima was told by a doctor at the Bahrain Defence Force Hospital that he urgently needs to see a diabetes specialist. He has not been granted access to a consultation yet by the authorities.

  • In October 2017, Hassan Mushaima’s books, personal notes, and writing materials were confiscated for no reason. They may have been destroyed.

  • Hassan Mushaima continues to be denied his right to family visitation without being subjected to humiliating measures, including being shackled. He last saw his family 18 months ago, in February 2017.

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