29 Feb 12 | Awards
Recognising innovation and original use of new technology to circumvent censorship and foster debate, argument or dissent
Freedom Fone by Kubatana, mobile phone technology NGO, Zimbabwe
Kubatana is an NGO based in Harare that uses a variety of new and traditional media to encourage ordinary Zimbabweans to be informed, inspired and active about civic and human rights issues. As an organisation, it continuously seeks innovative fixes to the challenges of sharing independent information in Zimbabwe’s restrictive media environment. Freedom Fone is one of Kubatana’s solutions. An open-source software, Freedom Fone helps organisations create interactive voice response (IVR) menus to enable them to share pre-recorded audio information in any language via mobile phones and landlines with their members or the general public. The software is aimed at organisations or individuals wishing to set up interactive information services for users where the free flow of information may be denied for economic, political, technological or other reasons. Freedom Fone is one of the many ways Kubatana reaches across the digital divide to inform and inspire the vast majority of Zimbabweans who do not have regular or affordable internet access.
ObscuraCam, smartphone app, USA
ObscuraCam is a free smartphone application that uses facial recognition to blur individual faces automatically. Developed by WITNESS and the Guardian Project, it enables users to protect their personal security, privacy and anonymity. In 2011 and 2012, uprisings throughout the Middle East have shown the power and danger of mobile video footage. ObscuraCam helps protect activists who fear reprisals but want to safely capture evidence of state brutality. Launched in June 2011 and based in the USA, ObscuraCam is the only facial blurring or masking application that has responded to the concerns of human rights groups, citizen activists and journalists. In addition to obscuring faces, the application removes identifying data such as GPS location data and the phone make and model.
Visualizing.org, data visualisation resource, international
Visualizing.org was created to help make data visualisation more accessible to the general public. It calls itself “a community of creative people making sense of complex issues through data and design… and a shared space and free resource to help you achieve this goal”.Data analysts and graphic designers have set themselves the challenge of sharing a constantly proliferating body of public data in an accessible form. Raw data on its own might as well be censored; visualisation opens the door to open information that otherwise would be left languishing on hard disks or, if downloaded, unintelligible to the average citizen. The project offers a place to showcase work, discover remarkable visualisations and visually explore some of today’s most pressing global issues. Created by GE and Seed Media Group, Visualizing.org promotes information literacy. The portal has had a remarkable year.
Telecomix, internet activists, across Europe
Telecomix is the collective name for a decentralised group of internet activists operating in Europe. Their focus is to expose threats to freedom of speech online. During one operation, Telecomix activists published a huge package of data which proved that the Syrian government was carrying out mass surveillance of thousands of its citizens’ internet usage. Telecomix’s revelation that the technology used was supplied by US firm Blue Coat Systems has prompted serious investigations into the involvement of western technology firms in helping repressive regimes spy on their people. In mid-August 2011, Telecomix’s dispersed group of hackers came together to target Syria’s internet. Those attempting to access the internet though their normal browsers were confronted with a blank page bearing a warning: “This is a deliberate, temporary internet breakdown. Please read carefully and spread the following message. Your internet activity is monitored.” Following this, a page flashed up describing how to take precautions to encrypt usage.
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07 May 24 | Europe and Central Asia, Georgia, News and features
In the south-eastern corner of Europe, in the small country of Georgia, a monumental struggle is unfolding between the government’s authoritarian ambitions and civil society’s determination to advance fundamental freedoms.
Tens of thousands have been out of the streets of the capital Tbilisi protesting the planned adoption of the Russian-style “foreign agent” law which labels NGOs and media outlets receiving more than 20% foreign funding as “organisations acting in the interest of a foreign power”. The adoption of such a law threatens the country’s vibrant civil society and dashes the dreams of Georgians who want European Union integration. If the law comes into effect, democratic norms across Eastern Europe are likely to be negatively affected, with communities of human rights defenders coming under increasing pressure from governments tempted to follow suit. All who care about freedom and democracy need to take action now and demonstrate global solidarity for Georgian civil society.
On 3 April 2024, Georgia’s ruling party, the Georgian Dream Party, announced that they were resurrecting the so-called “foreign agent” draft law, almost entirely copying the text defeated by mass protests in March 2023. The passing of such a law would give organs of the state sweeping powers to carry out extensive inspections of NGOs and media organisations and forcibly put them on a special registry. Non-compliance would result in heavy fines. The law was adopted at its second reading on 1 May 2024 against the backdrop of furious mass protests outside the Parliament. The third and final reading is scheduled for 17 May.
Contrary to the declared aims of the authorities to increase transparency within civil society, the draft is a key legal instrument straight out of the Russian authoritarian playbook. It goes without saying that such a law violates freedom of association. Over 150 civic and media organisations in Georgia have already vowed not to register, potentially resulting in many people who are victims of abuse being left without vital services and without support in their fight for justice.
The revival of restrictive legislation against NGOs is part of a larger pattern of assault against a broad range of human rights in Georgia. In recent years, civil society and international human rights bodies have raised numerous concerns about the narrowing civic space for free expression and protest. They have highlighted illegal surveillance, attempts at criminalisation of legitimate human rights work, smear campaigns and increased physical attacks particularly on the LGBT population, coupled with impunity for often violent far-right political groups. The democratic decline in the country is confirmed by international civil society rankings, with Georgia dropping staggeringly low on the World Press Freedom Index, and being assessed as becoming a “semi-consolidated authoritarian regime”.
Last month in other assaults on the rights of women and minority groups the Georgian Parliament hastily abolished mandatory gender quotas for women within political party lists and initiated constitutional amendments which threaten to outlaw LGBTQI-related expression and protest. Georgia holds parliamentary elections on 26 October 2024, and the proposed “foreign agent” law calls into question the ability of NGOs to roll out their usual large-scale election observation missions, which have traditionally played a key role in ensuring elections are free and fair.
Understandably, Georgian civil society and the public have not been sitting idly in the face of such an existential threat to democracy and civic space. One of the key victories of civil society was the success in countering the official narrative about alleged lack of foreign funding transparency. Human rights defenders and activists successfully made the wider public aware that the law was about Russian-style authoritarianism with more repression to follow, and it would totally undermine Georgia’s European integration, which enjoys a steadfast 79–83% support and is guaranteed by the Constitution. Hence the main protest slogan: “Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law”.
The shifting of narrative also worked because the Georgian public remembers the term “foreign agent” and its negative connotations which hark back to Stalinist repression. In the 1930s, a whole generation of Georgian intellectuals were executed on trumped-up charges, accused of being “spies” of various Western states.
Since parliamentary hearings on the law began in mid-April, protests have been unrelenting. They are mostly organised horizontally and led by students and young adults, dubbed as “Gen Z”. Georgia has a population of just 3.7 million, which makes the gathering of more than 100,000 people in front of the Parliament all the more extraordinary. The opposition to the law has gripped the entire society, with theatre performances across Georgia ending in declarations of protest against the law. Sportspeople, football clubs, some businesses, writers and cultural workers, teachers, start-ups, bloggers, doctors and academics have come together to condemn the government’s plans.
The law enforcement uses illegal and largely disproportionate force against mostly peaceful protesters. Tear gas, stun grenades, pepper spray and water cannons are almost a daily occurrence, with documented cases of likely illegal use of rubber bullets and beatings, judged tantamount to ill-treatment and torture. Yet, the protesters stand firm.
The anticipated descent of Georgia into the authoritarian abyss will be felt more widely across Eastern Europe, where human rights defenders face many risks due to wars or repressive regimes. Despite negative trends and proven cases of cross-border intimidation of dissidents, Georgia is still a place of temporary shelter and a relatively safe space for those who can no longer carry out civic work in their own countries, or who need a brief respite. All this is expected to vanish with the adoption of “foreign agent” law.
International condemnation of recent events has been unanimous. The European Union has made it clear that the proposed draft legislation undermines Georgia’s EU accession path. Yet, the government rhetoric remains in the eyes of many of us unhinged, brazen and threatening. The authorities seem to be set on adopting the “foreign agent” law at all costs. This would signify a U-turn regarding Georgia’s place within the international rules-based order. Moreover, what is at stake is the end of a vibrant civil society which has played a role in upholding fundamental freedoms within and beyond national borders. International organisations, civil society and like-minded states should leverage all legal means available to exert pressure on the authorities and be even more vocal in their support to the Georgian public and human rights defenders. They need to act today. Tomorrow could be too late.
08 Mar 24 | Europe and Central Asia, News and features, Russia
“Don’t go over there,” a woman warned Yaroslav Smolev – artist and musician – as he was approaching the monument to victims of Soviet-era repression in St Petersburg. He then saw the police arresting people who, like him, came to lay flowers. One of the men had his arms twisted by the officers. This was on 16 February, the day Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny died, and hundreds of people came to honour him at improvised memorials.
Smolev, who spoke to Index four days later, said that the police were pushing mourners away from the monument. “We found ourselves standing [at a distance], not knowing what to do or where to go from there,” he said.
But despite the brutality of the police, he recalled seeing “mountains of flowers” at the memorial.
The next day Smolev staged a solo protest in the city centre holding a sign which read “Navalny was killed because we didn’t care.” He felt that he had to speak up, remembering Alexei Navalny who “always stood up for what he believed in – in a peaceful way”.
“I knew that I wouldn’t be allowed to stand there for a long time,” Smolev said. Some people walking by gave him sympathetic looks. One woman approached him and said: “Thank you for speaking up.”
Shortly afterwards, he was taken to the police station. The officers threatened to forcibly take his fingerprints and measurements. According to Smolev, they didn’t have the right to request these. “They said: ‘If you refuse, we will put you upside down, and get all the prints we need, from the top of your head to your heels’,” he told Index.
An officer threatened to throw him in a detention cell for “disobedience”. He told Smolev: “Handsome men like you are always in high demand [among the inmates in jail].”
Smolev had to advocate for himself as all the lawyers were busy that day. He refused to give in and was released three hours later. He would have to pay a fine of about 4,000 rubles ($44) for “violation of anti-COVID measures” – for standing on a sidewalk with a sign.
Smolev said that above all he fears that his home will be targeted now, like was the case after his peaceful protests in the past.
According to Dmitri Anisimov, a spokesman for OVD-Info, an organisation monitoring repression in Russia, at least 462 Navalny mourners were detained across the country, almost half of them in St Petersburg alone. No less than 78 were jailed up to 15 days. In some cases, people were not allowed to see their lawyers. Echoing Smolev’s story, Anisimov told Index that if the detained found themselves face-to-face with the police officers, anything could happen to them. At least six people were beaten up during their detention. Anisimov said that the police also handed out draft notices to some men who came to the improvised memorials for Navalny. Later these papers turned out to be fake. It’s one of the various intimidation tactics used by the authorities, he said.
At least 15 mourners were detained days after they came to the memorials, at their homes or on public transportation. Many of them were “in a state of shock” because they were unprepared for this, Anisimov said. According to him, they had been tracked through a system of surveillance cameras. Some of the people Index was going to speak to got scared off after these “delayed detentions”.
During the days following Navalny’s death, dozens of volunteers provided support for those detained and given jail time. Ekaterina, a 28-year-old democracy activist, was one of them.
Talking to Index from St Petersburg, she said that many people were placed in remote detention centres. She brought food for the detained: “Some bread, sausages, cheese, a little bit of sweets and water.”
She has been doing this volunteer work for two years, since she was detained during the anti-war protests which followed the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. She told Index that people awaiting trial in detention centres are not fed properly – if at all – and are not always able to access tap water.
For Ekaterina, even though it may seem that with Navalny now gone all hope is lost, people “must continue searching for hope within each other”. “We need to help people who are still alive,” she added. “People such as political prisoners.”
When Navalny died on 16 February, she came to an impromptu memorial in St. Petersburg. There were no police around at that moment. “People came and came,” she recalled and she “got a chance to stand there and cry.”
The same day, a woman in Rostov-on-Don, around 1,800 km south of St Petersburg, also came to leave flowers in memory of Navalny at the monument to the victims of political repressions.
“There were so many police officers,” she said speaking to Index anonymously. The buses for the detained were parked next to the memorial and the police were filming people who brought bouquets. “I realised that nothing good would come out of it for me,” she said. “Call me a coward, but I decided to turn around and leave.”
Two days later the woman found out that the apartment where she is officially registered – but doesn’t live – was targeted. A police officer came to give her “some kind of warning”. She suspects that the authorities might have identified her by the car license plate while she was at the memorial – and now they are looking for her.
One of her friends, whom she had warned about the risks, came to the memorial for Navalny later that day. He was ordered by the police to write a letter of explanation stating reasons for his presence at the site.
“There are no mass killings by the authorities, nor people being hanged – but it feels that way,” the woman said. “We are so frightened that we don’t dare utter a single word, and I was too scared to even lay flowers!,” she added, outraged.
Despite this “climate of terror and fear”, as she called it, she empathised that there were many people at the memorial, who felt that it was their duty to honor Navalny.
“I think that Navalny was right when he said in a documentary about him that [if the authorities decide to kill him it means that] we’re incredibly strong,” Ekaterina, the democracy activist, told Index.
In the film his main message to the Russian people was “not to give up”.
