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By Tamsin Allen, 16 February 2016
Tamsin Allen is head of Media and Information law at Bindmans LLP
Policing is a core function of the state, and it has long been accepted that our taxes pay for police services. The role of the police naturally shifts with changes in culture and the law, but the current position is that the police, as a public authority, have an obligation to ensure law and order and to preserve, and in some cases to promote, fundamental rights such as the right to protest and the right to freedom of expression, protected by Articles 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, now incorporated into the UK’s domestic law as the Human Rights Act 1998.
There are some instances where the police are entitled to levy an additional charge for their services, but those must be services which are outside the core responsibilities of the police.
Section 25 of the Police Act 1996 deals with the “provision of special services” and states that:
The chief officer of police of a police force may provide, at the request of any person, special police services at any premises or in any locality in the police area for which the force is maintained, subject to the payment to the police authority of charges on such scales as may be determined by that authority.
The phrase special police services is not defined by the act. Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) guidance to senior police officers states:
“an event is an occurrence, out of the normal activity that takes place to provide an experience or defined activity to commercial or non-commercial reasons. Special police services are police services provided over and above core policing at the request of a person or organisation.”
Case law indicates that special police services include policing football matches (Chief Constable of Greater Manchester v Wigan Athletic AFC Ltd [2008] EWCA Civ 1449) and music festivals (Reading Festival Ltd v West Yorkshire Police Authority [2006] EWCA Civ 524).
The reason why football matches and music festivals might need additional policing is because of the risk of public order offences being committed and because the organisers themselves require additional police to ensure that they can discharge their own duties to keep the attendees safe. Where the police have provided services over and above those that have been specifically requested, organisers have not been required to pay.
ACPO guidance draws a clear distinction between different categories of event:
• Commercial events intended to generate private profit;
• Non-commercial events i.e. charitable or community events; and
• Statutory events reflecting constitutional rights or processes.
It provides that: “Policing of statutory events is part of a core activity and no charges should be made” and defines statutory events as “events where there is no financial gain to the organiser and which reflect constitutional rights, or a cause of royal, national or defined public interest”.
As a public body, the police must act within their powers and discharge duties to which they are subject. They must take decisions rationally, fairly and in a way which takes account of relevant – but not irrelevant – considerations. Cultural organisations have a legitimate expectation that the police will follow published guidance unless there is a good reason to depart from it. However, this guidance should be clear, especially where it potentially interferes with fundamental rights. At present, this guidance lacks clarity and therefore policy practice in this area may lack consistency. This is an area which could potentially be subject to challenge by way of judicial review.
As it is presently constituted, the guidance suggests that the real dividing line is between commercial and non-commercial events. In situations where fundamental rights are engaged, such as the staging of a highly controversial art exhibition where protests are expected, it is certainly arguable that policing is a core function notwithstanding that it is a commercial event.
The police may have felt they could waive the fee they originally requested in relation to the 2004 production of Behud because the theatre was a not-for-profit organisation. However, there may be situations where a theatre or exhibition space is a commercial organisation, but the work of art in question raises issues of artistic and political freedom of expression. For instance, under the guidance, the police could have charged the Birmingham Repertory Theatre at what appears to be the going rate of £10,000 per day for policing Behtzi had it not been cancelled.
Using the distinction between commercial and non-commercial events as a lodestone for determining whether or not the police can charge for special services is thus not necessarily appropriate. Attendance at football matches or music festivals does not, on the face of it, involve the exercise of fundamental rights. The situation in respect of all theatre, art exhibitions or other forms of artistic expression, even where a profit is made, is quite different. The police have an obligation to fulfil their core duties – those are now enhanced by their duties under the Human Rights Act not to act incompatibly with the Convention. The Convention imposes a qualified obligation not to interfere with the exercise of the right to freedom of expression and protest and a positive obligation to take appropriate steps to protect those rights. The policing of artistic expression, where political sensitivity leads to the risk of public order issues, is part of the police’s core function and duties and should not be a matter of commercial negotiation. Protection for these rights should under no circumstances depend on whether or not an organisation can afford to pay for it.
Societies often endanger lives by creating taboos, rather than letting citizens openly discuss stigmas and beliefs. Index on Censorship magazine editor Rachael Jolley introduces our taboo-themed issue, which looks at no-go subjects worldwide, from abortion and mental health to the Holocaust and homosexuality
Teenager Rahenaz Sayed was told by her family not to sit on a bed, not to touch her hair oil and not to pray during her period.
Sayed, now 20, has started to go into schools in Mumbra, near Mumbai, along with two other young women, to discuss the taboos around menstruation, according to India’s Hindustan Times.
Traditionally, girls here didn’t talk to their mothers about getting their periods, or pain that they might be experiencing. This was something you were not expected to discuss, better, in fact, to pretend that it just wasn’t happening.
These restrictions were not open to challenge, until now. “We thought, ‘Why not talk of an issue which women don’t speak about and suffer silently?’ We suffered due to silences surrounding menstruation and didn’t want others to go through the same,” Mubhashirin Naik, one of the women starting to go into schools to talk about these long-held practices, told the newspaper.
They had been told that these “rules” came from the scriptures, but when they read those same passages themselves they found that while they spoke about women resting during menstruation nothing was written about banning them from prayer.
Taboos, subjects that are off limits to argument, are different in every country around the world. But this story shows why the act of not allowing a group of people to discuss a tradition or convention can injure society. Why should girls be treated like outcasts once a month and banned from doing the most normal things in life? The answer is because somehow this has become accepted and challenges frowned upon.
Once these three young women began to see that the structures they were being told to follow were nonsensical (they were not able to ask for painkillers, for instance), they had the strength to stand up against them. And by doing so, they will have begun to change the dynamic. No doubt, other women will also be encouraged to question the “rules”. And that’s how societies adapt over time, by questioning power.
In El Salvador, where abortion is illegal under any circumstance, even where the pregnant woman could die, the way that the law is enforced means that women who suffer a miscarriage can wake up with a police officer standing next to them.
The abortion law is so draconian that women who lose their baby through illness can find themselves charged with man- slaughter. Under the ferocity of this law, many women are too frightened to talk to anyone about any concerns they might have about pregnancy, let alone discuss abortion (more on this in the latest issue). In 2008 a 25-year-old woman, Guadalope Vásquez, was sentenced under the abortion law to a 30-year sentence after suffering a miscarriage. Under these conditions, women are often too frightened to discuss anything about health complications during their pregnancy with a doctor, or anyone else. Lives will be put at risk.
Throughout history, taboos have been established to limit and control society, and help to retain a status quo. “Best not mention it” is the nodded instruction to put something off limits in the family living room. In the 20th century, in the UK, societal disapproval would be rained down on those who ate something other than fish on Fridays, or children who played outside on a Sunday, or an adult who didn’t wear a hat to church. And in the US today the Westboro Baptist Church tells its female followers that it is forbidden for them to cut their hair. But why? Who decided these were the rules, and how do they change?
Sometimes it takes a generational shift, such as we have seen in Ireland, with the 62% vote to change the law to allow same-sex marriage. There’s a tipping point when a body of resistance builds up to such a point that the dam breaks and the public suddenly demands another way is found, and an older way is discarded.
But societal disapproval can be fierce and individuals who deviate from “the normal” can also find themselves isolated and alone, as Palestinian academic Mohammed Dajani Daoudi discovered when he took a group of his students to Auschwitz to learn about the Holocaust (read his story in the magazine). Dajani felt it was important for his university students to learn about this period of history. He saw his duty as one of teaching about,
not ignoring, a particular piece of history. Others saw it as the action of a traitor, accusing him of ignoring the suffering of Palestinians. He knew he was tackling a taboo subject, but hadn’t expected the reaction to the visit to be so violent. Afterwards he received death threats, and has now moved his family to Washington DC, partly for safety reasons.
Societies often endanger lives by creating taboos, rather than letting citizens openly discuss stigmas and beliefs. Remember the days when people would fear being judged for admitting they had cancer and would not mention it in public? Alastair Campbell does, and draws parallels to attitudes to mental illness today. Such beliefs can lead to people failing to talk to doctors about symptoms because of embarrassment, and potentially leaving diagnosis too late. These societal barriers are often out-of-date, sometimes stemming from archaic religious beliefs, or from traditions that have been left unchallenged. But still today an action that conflicts with expected behaviour can result in damage to an individual. The Encyclopedia Britannica states: “Generally, the prohibition that is inherent in a taboo includes the idea that its breach or defiance will be followed by some kind of trouble to the offender, such as lack of success in hunting or fishing, sickness, miscarriage, or death.” Living in fear of breaching such a “rule” can leave people afraid to dispute or argue for a sensible alternative.
To challenge a famous phrase from a WWI poster, talk doesn’t cost lives, but not talking certainly can.
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[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”SPECIAL REPORT: WHAT’S THE TABOO? ” css=”.vc_custom_1483453507335{margin-right: 0px !important;margin-left: 0px !important;border-bottom-width: 1px !important;padding-top: 15px !important;padding-bottom: 15px !important;border-bottom-color: #455560 !important;border-bottom-style: solid !important;}”][vc_column_text]
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[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”END NOTE” css=”.vc_custom_1481880278935{margin-right: 0px !important;margin-left: 0px !important;border-bottom-width: 1px !important;padding-top: 15px !important;padding-bottom: 15px !important;border-bottom-color: #455560 !important;border-bottom-style: solid !important;}”][vc_column_text]
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Following the conclusion of an Oct. 19 to 21, 2015 joint international emergency press freedom mission to Turkey, representatives of participating international, regional and local groups dedicated to press freedom and free expression find that pressure on journalists operating in Turkey has severely escalated in the period between parliamentary elections held June 7 and the upcoming elections.
The representatives also determine that this pressure has significantly impacted journalists’ ability to report on matters of public interest freely and independently, and that this pressure, if allowed to continue, is likely to have a significant, negative impact on the ability of voters in Turkey to share and receive necessary information, with a corresponding effect on Turkey’s democracy.
Accordingly, the representatives stand in solidarity with their colleagues in the media in Turkey and demand an immediate end to all pressure that hinders or prevents them from performing their job, or which serves to foster an ongoing climate of self-censorship. They also urge that steps be taken to ensure that all journalists are able to freely investigate stories involving matters of public interest, including allegations of corruption, the “Kurdish issue”, alleged human rights violations, armed conflict – particularly issues related to the ongoing conflict in Syria – and local or regional issues or policies.
Further, the representatives specifically urge authorities in Turkey:
The mission representatives also urge Turkey’s president:
Moreover, the mission representatives urge foreign governments, particularly those of the United States and countries within the European Union:
Finally, the mission representatives urge journalists in Turkey:
Markus Spillmann, IPI Executive Board Vice Chair
Barbara Trionfi, IPI Executive Director
Steven M. Ellis, IPI Director of Advocacy and Communications
Muzaffar Suleymanov, Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Europe and Central Asia Program Research Associate
Erol Onderoglu, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Representative
Patrick Kamenka, Journalist, Intl. Federation of Journalists/European Federation of Journalists (IFJ/EFJ)
Mustafa Kuleli, Turkish Journalists Union (TGS) Secretary General; Member IFJ/EFJ
David Diaz-Jogeix, Article 19 Director of Programmes
Melody Patry, Index on Censorship Senior Advocacy Officer
Ceren Sozeri, Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) Member; Galatasaray University Associate Professor
2015 JOINT INTERNATIONAL EMERGENCY PRESS FREEDOM MISSION TO TURKEY – FACT SHEET
From Oct. 19 to 21, 2015, representatives of the International Press Institute (IPI), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), Index on Censorship, Article 19 and the Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) conducted a joint international emergency press freedom mission to Turkey.
The mission was conducted with the support and assistance of the Journalists’ Union of Turkey (TGS) and IPI’s National Committee in Turkey, with representatives of both groups also joining the mission.
The mission was conducted in light of deep concerns over the deteriorating state of press freedom in Turkey and its impact both on the upcoming Nov. 1 parliamentary elections and beyond. Its primary goals were to demonstrate solidarity with colleagues in the media in Turkey, to focus attention in Turkey and abroad on the impact that growing pressure on independent media is likely to have on the ability to hold a free and fair election, and to push for an end to such pressure.
Specific concerns related to, among other developments, physical attacks on journalists and media outlets; raids on media outlets and seizures of publications; threatening rhetoric directed at journalists; the increasing use of criminal insult and anti-terrorism laws targeting independent media and government critics; the ongoing imprisonment of journalists; deportations of foreign journalists; and decisions by satellite and online television providers to stop carrying signals of broadcasters critical of the government.
During the course of meetings in Istanbul and Ankara, mission participants heard from representatives from nearly 20 different major media outlets in Turkey. They also met with representatives of three of the four parties currently holding seats in Turkey’s Grand National Assembly: the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP).
Organisers sought to meet with representatives of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), but were not afforded an opportunity to do so. Similarly, organisers sought meetings with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s spokesperson and foreign policy adviser, but received no response.
At the close of the mission, participants conducted a dialogue forum bringing together representatives from a broad cross section of media in Turkey for an open discussion to share with them the participants’ experience in Ankara meeting with foreign diplomats and representatives of political parties, and to hear the media representatives’ concerns and suggestions for how international organisations can best support press freedom and free expression in Turkey.
About the Participants
The International Press Institute (IPI) is a global network of editors, media executives and leading journalists dedicated to furthering and safeguarding press freedom, promoting the free flow of news and information, and improving the practices of journalism.
The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) is an independent, non-profit organisation that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) is a non-profit organisation which defends the freedom to be informed and to inform others throughout the world.
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) is a global union federation of journalists’ trade unions that aims to protect and strengthen the rights and freedoms of journalists.
The European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) is a branch of the International Federation of Journalists.
Article 19 is human rights organisation that fights for the protection of freedom of expression and access to information, particularly protecting those that dissent.
Index on Censorship is an international human rights organisation that promotes and defends the fundamental right to freedom of expression and campaigns against censorship.
The Ethical Journalism Network (EJN) promotes ethics, good governance and independent regulation of media content.
The Journalists Union of Turkey (TGS) is the affiliate in Turkey of the International Federation of Journalists and the European Federation of Journalists.