Saudi Arabia: Kingdom must be held to account for suppression of dissent

Saudi journalist, Global Opinions columnist for the Washington Post, and former editor-in-chief of Al-Arab News Channel Jamal Khashoggi offers remarks during POMED’s “Mohammed bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia: A Deeper Look”. March 21, 2018, Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Washington, DC.

Saudi journalist, Global Opinions columnist for the Washington Post, and former editor-in-chief of Al-Arab News Channel Jamal Khashoggi offers remarks during POMED’s “Mohammed bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia: A Deeper Look”. March 21, 2018, Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED), Washington, DC.

Recognising the fundamental right to express our views, free from repression, we the undersigned civil society organisations call on the international community, including the United Nations, multilateral and regional institutions as well as democratic governments committed to the freedom of expression, to take immediate steps to hold Saudi Arabia accountable for grave human rights violations. The murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul on 2 October is only one of many gross and systematic violations committed by the Saudi authorities inside and outside the country. As the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists approaches on 2 November, we strongly echo calls for an independent investigation into Khashoggi’s murder, in order to hold those responsible to account.

This case, coupled with the rampant arrests of human rights defenders, including journalists, scholars and women’s rights activists; internal repression; the potential imposition of the death penalty on demonstrators; and the findings of the UN Group of Eminent Experts report which concluded that the Coalition, led by Saudi Arabia, have committed acts that may amount to international crimes in Yemen, all demonstrate Saudi Arabia’s record of gross and systematic human rights violations. Therefore, our organisations further urge the UN General Assembly to suspend Saudi Arabia from the UN Human Rights Council (HRC), in accordance with operative paragraph 8 of the General Assembly resolution 60/251.

Saudi Arabia has never had a reputation for tolerance and respect for human rights, but there were hopes that as Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman rolled out his economic plan (Vision 2030), and finally allowed women to drive, there would be a loosening of restrictions on women’s rights, and freedom of expression and assembly. However, prior to the driving ban being lifted in June, women human rights defenders received phone calls warning them to remain silent. The Saudi authorities then arrested dozens of women’s rights defenders (both female and male) who had been campaigning against the driving ban. The Saudi authorities’ crackdown against all forms of dissent has continued to this day.

Khashoggi criticised the arrests of human rights defenders and the reform plans of the Crown Prince, and was living in self-imposed exile in the US. On 2 October 2018, Khashoggi went to the Consulate in Istanbul with his fiancée to complete some paperwork, but never came out. Turkish officials soon claimed there was evidence that he was murdered in the Consulate, but Saudi officials did not admit he had been murdered until more than two weeks later.

It was not until two days later, on 20 October, that the Saudi public prosecution’s investigation released findings confirming that Khashoggi was deceased. Their reports suggested that he died after a “fist fight” in the Consulate, and that 18 Saudi nationals have been detained. King Salman also issued royal decrees terminating the jobs of high-level officials, including Saud Al-Qahtani, an advisor to the royal court, and Ahmed Assiri, deputy head of the General Intelligence Presidency. The public prosecution continues its investigation, but the body has not been found.

Given the contradictory reports from Saudi authorities, it is essential that an independent international investigation is undertaken.

On 18 October, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) called on Turkey to request that UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres establish a UN investigation into the extrajudicial execution of Khashoggi.

On 15 October 2018, David Kaye, the UN Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, and Dr. Agnès Callamard, the UN Special Rapporteur on summary executions, called for “an independent investigation that could produce credible findings and provide the basis for clear punitive actions, including the possible expulsion of diplomatic personnel, removal from UN bodies (such as the Human Rights Council), travel bans, economic consequences, reparations and the possibility of trials in third states.”

We note that on 27 September, Saudi Arabia joined consensus at the UN HRC as it adopted a new resolution on the safety of journalists (A/HRC/Res/39/6). We note the calls in this resolution for “impartial, thorough, independent and effective investigations into all alleged violence, threats and attacks against journalists and media workers falling within their jurisdiction, to bring perpetrators, including those who command, conspire to commit, aid and abet or cover up such crimes to justice.” It also “[u]rges the immediate and unconditional release of journalists and media workers who have been arbitrarily arrested or arbitrarily detained.”

Khashoggi had contributed to the Washington Post and Al-Watan newspaper, and was editor-in-chief of the short-lived Al-Arab News Channel in 2015. He left Saudi Arabia in 2017 as arrests of journalists, writers, human rights defenders and activists began to escalate. In his last column published in the Washington Post, he criticised the sentencing of journalist Saleh Al-Shehi to five years in prison in February 2018. Al-Shehi is one of more than 15 journalists and bloggers who have been arrested in Saudi Arabia since September 2017, bringing the total of those in prison to 29, according to RSF, while up to 100 human rights defenders and possibly thousands of activists are also in detention according to the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) and Saudi partners including ALQST. Many of those detained in the past year had publicly criticised reform plans related to Vision 2030, noting that women would not achieve economic equality merely by driving.

Another recent target of the crackdown on dissent is prominent economist Essam Al-Zamel, an entrepreneur known for his writing about the need for economic reform. On 1 October 2018, the Specialised Criminal Court (SCC) held a secret session during which the Public Prosecution charged Al-Zamel with violating the Anti Cyber Crime Law by “mobilising his followers on social media.” Al-Zamel criticised Vision 2030 on social media, where he had one million followers. Al-Zamel was arrested on 12 September 2017 at the same time as many other rights defenders and reformists.

The current unprecedented targeting of women human rights defenders started in January 2018 with the arrest of Noha Al-Balawi due to her online activism in support of social media campaigns for women’s rights such as (#Right2Drive) or against the male guardianship system (#IAmMyOwnGuardian). Even before that, on 10 November 2017, the SCC in Riyadh sentenced Naimah Al-Matrod to six years in jail for her online activism.

The wave of arrests continued after the March session of the HRC and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) published its recommendations on Saudi Arabia. Loujain Al-Hathloul, was abducted in the Emirates and brought to Saudi Arabia against her will on 15 May 2018; followed by the arrest of Dr. Eman Al-Nafjan, founder and author of the Saudiwoman’s Weblog, who had previously protested the driving ban; and Aziza Al-Yousef, a prominent campaigner for women’s rights.

Four other women’s human rights defenders who were arrested in May 2018 include Dr. Aisha Al-Manae, Dr. Hessa Al-Sheikh and Dr. Madeha Al-Ajroush, who took part in the first women’s protest movement demanding the right to drive in 1990; and Walaa Al-Shubbar, a young activist well-known for her campaigning against the male guardianship system. They are all academics and professionals who supported women’s rights and provided assistance to survivors of gender-based violence. While they have since been released, all four women are believed to be still facing charges.

On 6 June 2018, journalist, editor, TV producer and woman human rights defender Nouf Abdulaziz was arrested after a raid on her home. Following her arrest, Mayya Al-Zahrani published a letter from Abdulaziz, and was then arrested herself on 9 June 2018, for publishing the letter.

On 27 June 2018, Hatoon Al-Fassi, a renowned scholar, and associate professor of women’s history at King Saud University, was arrested. She has long been advocating for the right of women to participate in municipal elections and to drive, and was one of the first women to drive the day the ban was lifted on 24 June 2018.

Twice in June, UN special procedures called for the release of women’s rights defenders. On 27 June 2018, nine independent UN experts stated, “In stark contrast with this celebrated moment of liberation for Saudi women, women’s human rights defenders have been arrested and detained on a wide scale across the country, which is truly worrying and perhaps a better indication of the Government’s approach to women’s human rights.” They emphasised that women human rights defenders “face compounded stigma, not only because of their work as human rights defenders, but also because of discrimination on gender grounds.”

Nevertheless, the arrests of women human rights defenders continued with Samar Badawi and Nassima Al-Sadah on 30 July 2018. They are being held in solitary confinement in a prison that is controlled by the Presidency of State Security, an apparatus established by order of King Salman on 20 July 2017. Badawi’s brother Raif Badawi is currently serving a 10-year prison sentence for his online advocacy, and her former husband Waleed Abu Al-Khair, is serving a 15-year sentence. Abu Al-Khair, Abdullah Al-Hamid, and Mohammad Fahad Al-Qahtani (the latter two are founding members of the Saudi Civil and Political Rights Association – ACPRA) were jointly awarded the Right Livelihood Award in September 2018. Yet all of them remain behind bars.

Relatives of other human rights defenders have also been arrested. Amal Al-Harbi, the wife of prominent activist Fowzan Al-Harbi, was arrested by State Security on 30 July 2018 while on the seaside with her children in Jeddah. Her husband is another jailed member of ACPRA. Alarmingly, in October 2018, travel bans were imposed against the families of several women’s rights defenders, such as Aziza Al-Yousef, Loujain Al-Hathloul and Eman Al-Nafjan.

In another alarming development, at a trial before the SCC on 6 August 2018, the Public Prosecutor called for the death penalty for Israa Al-Ghomgam who was arrested with her husband Mousa Al-Hashim on 6 December 2015 after they participated in peaceful protests in Al-Qatif. Al-Ghomgam was charged under Article 6 of the Cybercrime Act of 2007 in connection with social media activity, as well as other charges related to the protests. If sentenced to death, she would be the first woman facing the death penalty on charges related to her activism. The next hearing is scheduled for 28 October 2018.

The SCC, which was set up to try terrorism cases in 2008, has mostly been used to prosecute human rights defenders and critics of the government in order to keep a tight rein on civil society.

On 12 October 2018, UN experts again called for the release of all detained women human rights defenders in Saudi Arabia. They expressed particular concern about Al-Ghomgam’s trial before the SCC, saying, “Measures aimed at countering terrorism should never be used to suppress or curtail human rights work.” It is clear that the Saudi authorities have not acted on the concerns raised by the special procedures – this non-cooperation further brings their membership on the HRC into disrepute.

Many of the human rights defenders arrested this year have been held in incommunicado detention with no access to families or lawyers. Some of them have been labelled traitors and subjected to smear campaigns in the state media, escalating the possibility they will be sentenced to lengthy prison terms. Rather than guaranteeing a safe and enabling environment for human rights defenders at a time of planned economic reform, the Saudi authorities have chosen to escalate their repression against any dissenting voices.

Our organisations reiterate our calls to the international community to hold Saudi Arabia accountable and not allow impunity for human rights violations to prevail.

We call on the international community, and in particular the UN, to:

  1. Take action to ensure there is an international, impartial, prompt, thorough, independent and effective investigation into the murder of journalist Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi;
  2. Ensure Saudi Arabia be held accountable for the murder of Khashoggi and for its systematic violations of human rights;
  3. Call a Special Session of the Human Rights Council on the recent wave of arrests and attacks against journalists, human rights defenders and other dissenting voices in Saudi Arabia;
  4. Take action at the UN General Assembly to suspend Saudi Arabia’s membership of the Human Rights Council; and
  5. Urge the government of Saudi Arabia to implement the below recommendations.

We call on the authorities in Saudi Arabia to:

  1. Produce the body of Jamal Ahmad Khashoggi and invite independent international experts to oversee investigations into his murder; cooperate with all UN mechanisms; and ensure that those responsible for his death, including those who hold command responsibility, are brought to justice;
  2. Immediately quash the convictions of all human rights defenders, including women and men advocating for gender equality, and drop all charges against them;
  3. Immediately and unconditionally release all human rights defenders, writers, journalists and prisoners of conscience in Saudi Arabia whose detention is a result of their peaceful and legitimate work in the promotion and protection of human rights including women’s rights;
  4. Institute a moratorium on the death penalty; including as punishment for crimes related to the exercise of rights to freedom of opinion and expression, and peaceful assembly;
  5. Guarantee in all circumstances that all human rights defenders and journalists in Saudi Arabia are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities and public interest reporting without fear of reprisal;
  6. Immediately implement the recommendations made by the UN Group of Eminent Experts on Yemen; and
  7. Ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and bring all national laws limiting the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association into compliance with international human rights standards.

Signed,

Access Now
Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT) – France
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Finnish League for Human Rights
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Yemen Center for Human Rights
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بعد تعذيبه في الكاميرون ، صحفي يلجأ الى اسكوتلندا

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=””][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner][vc_column_text]Charles Atangana (courtesy photo)[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]

يدرك تشارلز أتانغانا مثل أي شخص تحديات العمل الصحفي في الكاميرون. في تسعينات
القرن الماضي وأوائل العقد الأول من القرن الحالي ، كان أتانغانا مراسلاً استقصائياً يغطي
القضايا الاقتصادية مع صحيفة "لا سينتينيل" (أغلقت منذ ذلك الحين)، وكذلك صحيفة لو
ميساجير ، أول صحيفة مستقلة في الكاميرون ، وكثيراً ما كان يشارك في تقارير حول سوء
الإدارة والفساد في هذه الدولة الواقعة في أفريقيا الوسطى.
هناك الكثير من القضايا التي تستحق التغطية في الكاميرون ، التي تحتل المرتبة ١٤٥ من بين
١٧٦ دولة على مؤشر الفساد التي تصدره منظمة الشفافية الدولية. احتل تقرير له عن انعدام
الشفافية في عائدات النفط الحكومية الصفحات الأولى لمدة ثلاثة أيام متتالية، فيما كشف تقرير
آخر له عن الرشوة في عملية القبول بالمدارس وتورط وزير التعليم آنذاك.
لهذا السبب، لم ترحب بتقاريره حكومة الرئيس بول بيا ، الذي حكم البلاد منذ عام ١٩٨٢
والذي يسجن عادة الصحفيين المنتقدين لحكومته. في عام ٢٠٠٤ ، ساهم أتانغانا في تنظيم
مؤتمر صحفي للمجلس الوطني للكاميرونيين الجنوبيين، وهي مجموعة تدعم استقلال الأقلية
الناطقة باللغة الإنجليزية في الكاميرون في جنوب غرب البلاد. خلال الفعالية ، تم اختطاف
أتانغانا واقتياده إلى مركز احتجاز عسكري في دوالا ، أكبر مدن الكاميرون ، حيث تعرض
للضرب والتعذيب على يد خاطفيه الذين أرادوا معرفة هوية مصادره داخل الحكومة.
يقول أتانغانا إنه من خلال طريقة استجوابه ، يمكنه أن يستنتج أن أمر احتجازه كان قد أتى من
وزير التعليم جوزيف أوونا ، وهو موالٍ للرئيس بيا منذ فترة طويلة ، وقد أصبح رئيسًا لاتحاد
كرة القدم في الكاميرون لاحقا. لم يرد أوونا على طلباتنا للتعليق. ونفى ابنه ، ماثياس إريك
أوونا نغوييني ، عبر فيسبوك ، نفى تورط والده في اعتقال أتانغانا ، زاعما أن بعض
الصحفيين "يريدون تبرير نفيهم وسعيهم للحصول على اللجوء السياسي باستعمال المعلومات
الزائفة".
تمكن أتانغانا من الفرار من السجن بمساعدة أقاربه، بعد أن أدرك أنه لم يعد بإمكانه البقاء في
أمان في الكاميرون. وفي نهاية المطاف شق طريقه إلى المملكة المتحدة ، حيث تم منحه
اللجوء بعد كفاح طويل ومضني.

يعيش أتانغانا اليوم في مدينة غلاسكو بإسكتلندا ، حيث يعمل صحافيًا حرًا. تحدث إلى آيلان
بيتون من غلوبال جورناليست حول تعرضه للتعذيب والفرار من الكاميرون والتحدي المتمثل
في الحصول على اللجوء في المملكة المتحدة. أدناه النسخة المحررة من نص المقابلة:
غلوبال جورناليست: ما الذي جذبك في البداية إلى العمل الصحافي؟
أتانغانا: منذ سن السادسة ، كان لدينا نشاط في المدرسة لتشجيع أولئك منا الذين يمكنهم قراءة
الصحف لقص مقالة تهمنا في عطلة نهاية الأسبوع ثم الصاقها على الجدار. كان معلمنا يطلق
على هذا اسم "مجلة الجدار".
[في الجامعة] انضممت إلى النادي الصحفي. كنا في بعض الأحيان نستقبل الصحفيين الذين
عملوا في الاذاعة للدخول والتحدث إلينا ومحاولة إعطائنا رؤوس الأقلام حول أسس العمل
الصحافي.
لم أكن مهتمًا للغاية بالعمل في ذلك الوقت لأن هؤلاء الأشخاص الذين جاءوا لزيارة الكلية
وشرحوا ما هي الصحافة … لم يكونوا أثرياء. ملابسهم – لم تكن مثيرة للإعجاب. لكن رأيي
تغير بعد أن نضجت. كنت أرى أحيانا بعض الصحفيين يتجولون وهم يحملون كاميرا. بدا
الأمر فجأة مثيرًا لي.
غلوبال جورناليست: كيف انتهى بك المطاف إلى التركيز على التحقيقات الاقتصادية؟
أتانغانا: عندما بدأت مسيرتي المهنية في الصحافة ، لم يكن أحد مهتمًا بالقضايا الاقتصادية.
كلما رأيت مثل هذه التقارير، كانت في العادة مجرد بيانات صحفية من الحكومة حول تمويلات
صندوق النقد الدولي … لم يكن هناك أي شخص يركز على التحقيق ومحاولة معرفة ما يجري
وراء الأرقام.
كنت قد تلقيت تدريبًا في شؤون الشركات من البنك الدولي ، حيث كنت أعمل. لذا قررنا أنا
وزملائي من وسائل الإعلام الرسمية إنشاء مجموعة للصحفيين الاقتصاديين.
كنا قد سئمنا من رؤية إعلانات عن مشاريع من الحكومة تقول أشياء مثل: "سنبني ٦٠٠ فصل
دراسي في المقاطعات في جميع أنحاء الكاميرون." فبمجرد الحصول على الأموال ثم انجاز
الأعمال، لم يكن هناك أحد يذهب الى نواحي البلاد لتفقدها – لأنك إذا فعلت ذلك ، فستجد أنه
ربما تم بناء خمسة أو عشرة فقط ، فيما قد تم إنفاق المال كله.
غلوبال جورناليست: كيف تصف الضغوط التي يواجهها الصحفيون في الكاميرون؟
أتانغانا: عندما يكتب الصحفي منتقدا شخصيات حكومية ، قد يتم الاتصال بهم أثناء خروجهم
الى البارات (مثلا) ويعرض عليهم رشوة.

قد يطلبون منك تخفيف حدة كتاباتك وربما وضع بعض اللمسات التجميلية حول وزير حكومي
أو شخص آخر. الصحفي في الكاميرون لا يجني الكثير من المال ، وبالتالي يمكن أن يكون
ذلك وسيلة فعالة [لإسكاتهم]. لكن في أوقات أخرى هناك تهديدات أو ضرب.
غلوبال جورناليست : على ماذا كنت تعمل عندما جذبت انتباه الحكومة؟
أتانغانا: في احد المرات، نشرت مقالة لي على الصفحة الأولى لمدة ثلاثة أيام. كانت تقرير عن
قضية تتعلق بشفافية الحكومة وعائداتها النفطية وكيف أن البنك الدولي أجبرهم أن بعدوا بأن
يوضحوا كيفية تحرك هذه الأموال مقابل الحصول على قرض كبير.
القضية كانت أنه للمرة الأولى ، تم اجبار الحكومة على الرضوخ. كان البنك الدولي قد قال إننا
سنعطيكم المال، لكن فقط إذا نشرت الحكومة الأرقام المتعلقة بتدفق النفط.
عملت أيضاً على تقرير أظهر كيف أن بعض المسؤولين في الجامعات كانوا يأخذون رشاوى
من الآباء لكي يقبلوا أولادهم. بعض هؤلاء الناس كانوا قريبين من وزير التعليم.
غلوبال جورناليست: ماذا كنت تفعل في اليوم الذي تم اعتقالك؟
أتانغانا: كنت قد قدّمت المتحدثين في مؤتمر قبل أن يتم استدعائي الى الخارج. لقد واجهني
ثلاثة رجال كانوا متنكرين في هيئة صحفيين ، لكن اتضح أنهم لم يكونوا كذلك. قال لي أحدهم:
"تشارلز ، لقد تابعنا كتاباتك ، ورأينا مداخلاتك على التلفزيون."
ثم بدأوا يضربونني. قاموا في الأول بصفع خدّي الأيسر ثمّ الايمن قبل أن يركلوني
ويطرحوني على الأرض.
تم نقلي إلى زنزانة الشرطة العسكرية في دوالا ، حيث كانوا يحتجزون عادة الأشخاص
الخطيرين ، لذا أفترض أن ذلك جعلني أحدهم. بقيت هناك لبضعة أسابيع ولم يكن أحد يعرف
أين ذهبت. فهمت من الأسئلة التي كانوا يطرحونها أن وزير التعليم هو الذي أمر باعتقالي.
غلوبال جورناليست ماذا اكانوا يريدون منك؟
أتانغانا: تم سؤالي عن هوية مصادري. كان هذا هو الشيء الرئيسي الذي أرادوا معرفته: من
في الحكومة كان يعطيني معلوماتي. كانت لدي اتصالات جيدة للغاية في اللجان الحكومية –
التعليم والصحة والمالية وفي الجيش – وكان من الواضح لهم من خلال مقالاتي أن شخصًا ما
كان يعطيني معلومات سرية.
كانت الليلة الثانية مؤلمة لأنني تعرضت للضرب المبرح. أتذكر ، في الليلة الأولى أنني قد
نمت على الأرض في ملابسي الداخلية ولكن في الليلة الثانية جعلوني أنام دون ملابسي
الداخلية. كانوا يستخدمون أسلاك ربطوها حول أعضائي التناسلية ليحاولوا الضغط عليّ
للكشف عن مصادري.

تعلمت دائما حماية مصادري. عندما كنت طالبًا ، أتت صحفية من واشنطن للتحدث معنا.
أخبرتنا أنه يجب علينا حماية مصادرنا بأي ثمن. كان الخيار هو: كشف مصادري وتدمير
سمعتي أو الموت من أجل حمايتها.
غلوبال جورناليست: كيف هربت إذن ؟
أتانغانا: بعد أسبوعين أدركت أنني كنت أواجه الموت. كان من السهل عليهم أن يقتلوني – لم
يكن أحد يعرف أين كنت محتجزاً. كانوا يطعمونني بشكل سيء لدرجة أنني أصبت بالإسهال ،
لذا طلبت منهم أن يأخذوني إلى المستشفى. هناك ، التقيت بشخص كان على وشك أن يطلق
سراحه وكان معه هاتف. تمكنت من إخبار هذا الرجل أن يوصل رسالة إلى أبي. كنت مع
شخص من الشرطة العسكرية ، لكنه لم يكن يعرف من أنا أو لماذا كنت هناك ، لذا وعدته
بالمال. سمح لي بالخروج إلى موقف السيارات [حيث كان والدي ينتظر]. أختي لديها صديق
يسافر إلى فرنسا للعمل وتمكنت من تنظيم الذهاب في رحلة معه.
غلوبال جورناليست: ما مدى صعوبة الحصول على اللجوء في المملكة المتحدة؟
أتانغانا: كانت السنوات القليلة الأولى صعبة للغاية. استغرق الأمر مني بضعة أشهر للتعافي
من المحنة وبدأت أعود إلى حياة طبيعية.
أشعر أن التمييز في نظام اللجوء في المملكة المتحدة قوي. أنت تقضي كل وقتك في التحدث
إلى أشخاص في المنظمات حول بلد لم يزره أحد من الموظفين. كان ذلك صعبا جدا.
تم توقيفي في عام ٢٠٠٨ [في المملكة المتحدة] لأنه ظهر أن طلب اللجوء الخاص بي قد تم
رفضه. لم يصدقوا أنني صحافي حقيقي أو أنني كنت تحت التهديد.
تحدثنا إلى زميل قديم من البنك الدولي ، وبعث بيانا. فعل زميل من لو ميساجير الشيء نفسه.
ساعد الاتحاد الوطني للصحفيين في اسكتلندا كثيراً ، كما كتبت لجنة حماية الصحفيين في
الولايات المتحدة عني وقدمت بيانا حول وضع حرية الصحافة في الكاميرون.
كانت هناك حملة عامة وعريضة تضم أكثر من ٧٠٠٠ توقيع أرسلناها إلى وزارة الداخلية
البريطانية. كل هذا سمح بالإفراج عني وتم منحي [اللجوء] في عام ٢٠١١ بعد سبع سنوات
في جحيم الانتظار … سبع سنوات من الكفاح.
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/02/tortured-cameroon-
reporter-found-asylum-scotland/

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Targeting journalists in the name of national security

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Wall Street Journal reporter Ayla Albayrak

Wall Street Journal reporter Ayla Albayrak

Last week, a reporter for the Wall Street Journal was convicted of producing “terrorist propaganda” in Turkey and sentenced to more than two years in prison.

Ayla Albayrak was charged over an August 2015 article in the newspaper, which detailed government efforts to quell unrest among the nation’s Kurdish separatists, “firing tear gas and live rounds in a bid to reassert control of several neighborhoods”.

Albayrak was in New York at the time the ruling was announced and was sentenced in absentia but her conviction forms part of a growing pattern of arrests, detentions, trials and convictions for journalists under national security laws – not just in Turkey, the world’s top jailer of journalists, but globally.

As security – rather than the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms – becomes the number one priority of governments worldwide, broadly-written security laws have been twisted to silence journalists.

It’s seen starkly in the data Index on Censorship records for a project monitoring media freedom in Europe: type the word “terror” into the search box of Mapping Media Freedom and more than 200 cases appear related to journalists targeted for their work under terror laws.

This includes everything from alleged public order offences in Catalonia to the “harming of national interests in Ukraine” to the hundreds of journalists jailed in Turkey following the failed coup.

This abusive phenomenon started small, as in the case of Turkey, with dismissive official rhetoric that was aimed at small segments — like Kurdish journalists — among the country’s press corps, but over time it expanded to extinguish whole newspapers or television networks that espouse critical viewpoints on government policy.

While Turkey has been an especially egregious example of the cynical and political exploitation of terror offenses, the trend toward criminalisation of journalism that makes governments uncomfortable is spreading.

Mónica Terribas, journalist for Catalunya Rádio

Mónica Terribas, journalist for Catalunya Rádio

In Spain, the Spanish police association filed a lawsuit against Mónica Terribas, a journalist for Catalunya Rádio, accusing her of “favouring actions against public order for calling on citizens in the Catalonia region to report on police movements during the referendum on independence.

The association said information on police movements could help terrorists, drug dealers and other criminals.

Undermining state security is a growing refrain among countries seeking to clamp down on a disobedient media, particularly in countries like Russia. In December 2016, State Duma Deputy Vitaly Milonov urged Russia’s Prosecutor General to investigate independent Latvia-based media outlet Meduza’s on charges of “promoting extremism and terrorism” for an article published the day before.

The piece written by Ilya Azar entitled, When You Return, We Will Kill You, documents Chechens who are leaving continental Europe through Belarussian-Polish border and living in a rail station in Brest, a border city in Belarus. Deputy Milonov said he considers the article a provocation aimed at undermining unity of Russia and praising terrorists.

German journalist Deniz Yucel

German journalist Deniz Yucel

In Turkey, reporting deemed critical of the government, the president or their associates is being equated with terrorism as seen in the case of German journalist Deniz Yucel who was detained in February this year.

Yucel, a dual Turkish-German national was working as a correspondent for the German newspaper Die Welt. He was arrested on charges of propaganda in support of a terrorist organization as well as inciting violence to the public and is currently awaiting trial, something that could take up to five years.

Ahmed Abba

Ahmed Abba

Outside of the European region, journalists regularly fall foul of national security laws. In April, journalist Ahmed Abba was sentenced to 10 years behind bars by a military tribunal in Cameroon after being convicted of non-denunciation of terrorism and laundering of the proceeds of terrorist acts. Accompanying the decade-long sentence was a fine of over $90,000 dollars. Abba, a journalist for Radio France International, was detained in July of 2015.  He was tortured and held in solitary confinement for three months.

The military court allegedly possessed evidence against Abba, who was barred from speaking with the media during his trial, which they found on his computer. Among the alleged evidence was contact information between Abba and the Islamist terrorist group Boko Haram. Abba, who was in the area to report on the Boko Haram conflict, claimed he obtained the information that was discovered on his phone from various social media outlets with the intent of using them for his report.

Yemeni journalist Yahya Abduraqeeb al-Jubaihi

Yemeni journalist Yahya Abduraqeeb al-Jubaihi

Yemeni journalist Yahya Abduraqeeb Al-Jubaihi was sentenced to death earlier this month for allegedly serving as an undercover spy for Saudi Arabian coalition forces. Al-Jubaihi, who has worked as a journalist for various Yemeni and Saudi Arabian newspapers, has been held in a political prison camp ever since he was abducted from his home in September 2016.

Al-Jubaihi is the first journalist to be sentenced to death in Yemen following a trial that many activists believe was politically motivated because of Al-Jubaihi’s columns criticising Houthis.

Journalist Narzullo Akhunjonov

Journalist Narzullo Akhunjonov

Increasingly, governments are turning to Interpol to target journalists under terror laws. Turkey has filed an application to seek an Interpol arrest warrant for Can Dündar, demanding the journalist’s extradition. In September, Uzbek journalist Narzullo Okhunjonov was detained by authorities in Ukraine following an Interpol red notice.

Uzbek authorities have issued an international arrest warrant on fraud charges against Okhunjonov, who had been living in exile in Turkey since 2013 in order to avoid politically motivated persecution for his reporting.

And governments are also using terror laws to spy on journalists. In 2014, the UK police admitted it used powers under terror legislation to obtain the phone records of Tom Newton Dunn, editor of The Sun newspaper, to investigate the source of a leak in a political scandal. Police powers under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act, which circumvents another law that requires police to have approval from a judge to get disclosure of journalistic material. 

No laughing matter

The Sun editor Tom Newton Dunn

The Sun editor Tom Newton Dunn

Even jokes can land journalists in trouble under terror laws. Last year, French police searched the office of community Radio Canut in Lyon and seized the recording of a radio programme, after two presenters were accused of “incitement to terrorism”.

Presenters had been talking about the protests by police officers that had recently been taking place in France. One presenter said: “This is a call to people who people who killed themselves or are feeling suicidal and to all kamikazes” and to “blow themselves up in the middle of the crowd”.

One of the presenters was put under judicial supervision and was forbidden to host the radio programme until he appeared in court.

Radio Canut journalist Olivier Combi explained that the comment was ironic: “Obviously, Radio Canut is not calling for the murder of police officers, as it was sometimes said in the press”, he said. “Things have to be put back in context: the words in question are a 30 seconds joke-like exchange between two voluntary radio hosts…Nothing serious, but no media outlet took the trouble to call us, they all used the version of the police.”

Fighting back to protect sources

Two Russian journalists — Oleg Kashin and Alexander Plushev — are pushing back, Meduza reported. Kashin and Plushev filed the lawsuit challenging Russia’s Federal Security Service’s demands that instant messaging apps turn over encryption keys for users’ private communications, which is being driven by Russia’s anti-terror legislation. The court rejected the suit with the judge reportedly found that the government’s demands do not infringe on Plushev’s civil rights.

The journalists had contended that the FSB’s demand violated their right to confidential conversations with sources. Kashin said that in his work as a journalist he had come to rely on apps such as Telegram to conduct interviews with politicians.

Human rights organisation Agora is representing Telegram in a separate case against the FSB, which has fined the app company for failing to comply with its demands.[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_single_image image=”96229″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2017/10/turkish-injustice-scores-journalists-rights-defenders-go-trial/”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_column_text]

Turkey’s Witch-hunt: Scores of journalists, rights defenders facing trial

About 90 journalists, writers and human rights defenders will appear before courts in the coming days[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_single_image image=”96183″ img_size=”full” onclick=”custom_link” link=”https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2017/10/interpol-the-abuse-red-notices-is-bad-news-for-critical-journalists/”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_column_text]

Interpol: The abuse of red notices is bad news for critical journalists

Since August, at least six journalists have been targeted across Europe by international arrest warrants issued by Turkey, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”Mapping Media Freedom” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_separator color=”black”][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/4″][vc_icon icon_fontawesome=”fa fa-times-circle” color=”black” background_style=”rounded” size=”xl” align=”right”][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”3/4″][vc_column_text]

Index on Censorship monitors press freedom in 42 European countries.

Since 24 May 2014, Mapping Media Freedom’s team of correspondents and partners have recorded and verified 3,597 violations against journalists and media outlets.

Index campaigns to protect journalists and media freedom. You can help us by submitting reports to Mapping Media Freedom.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_custom_heading text=”Don’t lose your voice. Stay informed.” use_theme_fonts=”yes”][vc_separator color=”black”][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][vc_column_text]Index on Censorship is a nonprofit that campaigns for and defends free expression worldwide. We publish work by censored writers and artists, promote debate, and monitor threats to free speech. We believe that everyone should be free to express themselves without fear of harm or persecution – no matter what their views.

Join our mailing list (or follow us on Twitter or Facebook) and we’ll send you our weekly newsletter about our activities defending free speech. We won’t share your personal information with anyone outside Index.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/2″][gravityform id=”20″ title=”false” description=”false” ajax=”false”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][vc_separator color=”black”][/vc_column][/vc_row]