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Maureen Freely: Turkey is being forced to confront its past

TELEVISION PREMIER
Documentary maker Erik Gandini tells Giulio D’Eramo why appearance matters more than truth in Italy

BRAVE NEW WORDS

The good, the bad and the ugly: what technology did for freedom of expression

GOOGLE RULES
Rebecca MacKinnon talks to David Drummond about privacy, censorship and China

CYBERSPACE
Citizens, states and corporations are battling for online space. What happened to the dream of global communication? Ron Deibert and Rafal Rohozinski report

LORDS OF MISRULE
Xiao Shu: China’s internet reflects the political system – repressive and chaotic. Big brother is everywhere. Preview here

THE ART OF CENSORSHIP
Wen Yunchao: How China wields control online

NO HIDING PLACE
Gus Hosein: Privacy is a political right

KREMLIN.COM
Andrei Soldatov: The internet is democracy’s front line

GATE TO FREEDOM
Mohamed Khaled: Egyptian bloggers have transformed the landscape

BEWARE SELF-REGULATION
Ian Brown: Short-sighted government and industry action is threatening online freedom

OUT OF SIGHT, OUT OF MIND
Joe McNamee: Blocking child abuse websites won’t solve the problem. Preview here

RED LINES
Manlio Cammarata: Online censorship in Italy reflects a dismal record

COPYRIGHT REVOLT
David Allen Green: The internet has subverted the laws of intellectual property

TOOLS OF THE TRADE
Roger Dingledine:The options for beating online censorship

POWER TO THE PEOPLE
Saeed Valadbaygi: Iran will not succeed in crushing popular dissent

RINGING IN CHANGE
Jillo Kadida: The Kenyan government has mobile phones in its sights

MARTIN ROWSON’S STRIPSEARCH

AGAINST TYRANNY

FREEDOM IS NOT A LUXURY
Michael Scammell: The founding of Index on Censorship

BEHUD: A WRITER REPLIES
Lisa Goldman: Offence, censorship and the theatre

BEHUD
An extract from Gurpreet Kaur Bhatti’s new play

Auction: Freedom of Expression Awards 2010

The 10th Annual Index on Censorship Freedom of Expression Awards honour those who, often at great personal risk, have fought to expose censorship and abuse. Read the full shortlist here.

The night is also Index’s most important fundraising event. Your support in the auction will help fund our work for the next 12 months, so bid early and bid high!
(more…)

Godot to the rescue

Jo GlanvilleSamuel Beckett wrote a play for Václav Havel when he was in jail. On being freed, Havel returned the favour. It was the making of a great dramatic double-act, reprised this week by Index on Censorship. Jo Glanville reports

In 1982, Samuel Beckett dedicated a new play, Catastrophe, to Václav Havel, then a political prisoner serving a four and a half year sentence for “subversive activities”. He had been asked to write the play by the International Association for the Defence of Artists, who were organising a special night of solidarity for the Czech playwright at the Avignon Festival that summer. Although Beckett had never met Havel, he was deeply concerned by the persecution of writers and artists in eastern Europe and was horrified to hear that Havel had been forbidden to write in prison.

“The fact that Samuel Beckett made himself heard in this way pleased and spoke to me immensely,” recalls Havel. “In my eyes, he was a patriarch or father of modern theatre, who dwelt somewhere up in the heavens isolated from the hubbub down below.” When Havel was released the following year, he returned the honour by dedicating a play, titled Mistake, to Beckett. This literary tennis match is a fascinating, if little known, footnote to the two writers’ careers. The two plays were performed together in Stockholm in 1983 and first published in Index on Censorship in 1984. This week, to mark the 20th anniversary of the fall of communism in eastern Europe, Index on Censorship is presenting a rare performance of the two works, for one night only, directed by Jo Blatchley, at the Free Word Festival.

It was Havel’s friend František Janouch who first asked him to write a play when he came out of prison. Janouch, a nuclear physicist, had been granted political asylum in Sweden in 1974. He then founded the Charter 77 Foundation, with Havel’s blessing, to support the dissident movement back home. On Havel’s release, Janouch asked him to contribute a play to a fundraising evening in Stockholm. Havel was at first reluctant. “I told him it will be a fantastic announcement that you are now free and you are the same Havel,” says Janouch. “I called him the week after and he said, “Well, the piece is ready.” He told me that I had stimulated him to write.”

Janouch had also served as a go-between, carrying an exchange of letters between Havel and Beckett. Soon after he was released from prison, Havel asked Janouch to deliver a letter of thanks to Beckett for dedicating Catastrophe to him. “For a long time afterwards,” Havel wrote in his letter, “there accompanied me in the prison a great joy and emotion and helped to live on amidst all the dirt and baseness.” According to Beckett’s friend and biographer, James Knowlson, Beckett was deeply touched by the letter. “He talked to me about the extraordinarily moving letter he’d had from Vaclav Havel‚ remembers Knowlson. “He was very interested indeed and very moved by the plight of Havel.”

Havel’s friend František Janouch then had the brainwave of asking Beckett if they could stage Catastrophe in Stockholm along with Havel’s new play Mistake. “We had six or seven of the best known Swedish actors who did it free of charge for one performance only,” says Janouch. “The director practically made it as one piece – so people who didn’t know the plays had a problem seeing where Havel ended and Beckett started.”

Catastrophe has been described as Beckett’s most overtly political play. “Beckett took political positions, he was against oppression, he was for individualism he was certainly against all forms of totalitarianism and fascism,” says James Knowlson. “But he had this view of art that it suggested rather than stated – if you got too explicit then you countermanded what you were trying to do. People might be put off by that and I think he had a reluctance to go into that area of didactic writing.”

The play for Havel is a very short work consisting of one scene, in which a director and his assistant prepare a mute figure for a performance, manipulating the actor as if he were a tailor’s dummy. He is a dehumanised figure at the mercy of their direction. His only expression of independence is to raise his head at the end of the play. Although there are inevitably a variety of literary interpretations of the work, Beckett’s intention seems clear at least in representing an individual act of resistance in the face of oppression. Beckett’s biographer James Knowlson remembers the writer’s furious response to a review of the play in which a critic had described the ending as ambiguous.

“I can still remember sitting at a table with him outside a café in Paris,” says Knowlson, recalling their conversation about the review. “He almost slammed down his fist on the table: “It’s not ambiguous. He’s saying: ‘you bastards, you haven’t finished me yet!’ He bashed the table with great vehemence. I was quite taken aback by it — it was clearly one of those things he felt very deeply about.

“And that seemed to me to epitomise Beckett. Beckett is about going on and persisting and not just about ending –– ‘you must go on, I can’t go on, I’ll go on’. That is a vein of dogged determination which comes through and which in fact however much you reify or reduce somebody to an object, a victim, none the less there is this resilience and the persistence of the human spirit. and that I felt was something that was very important and linked really right through his work.” Havel’s play Mistake is less oblique — a group of prisoners intimidate a newcomer who has failed to observe the rituals of their incarceration. Like the protagonist in Beckett’s play, the main character is mute. Each work complements the other as a study in the dehumanisation of an individual.

“The Beckett is looking at a lack of freedom of the spirit,” says director Jo Blatchley. “Havel is looking at what happens physically in that type of situation. We don’t know where they are, but they’re clearly prisoners and they’re recreating tyranny.”

Beckett’s most famous play, Waiting for Godot, came to symbolise the agony of the Czech opposition and when the communist government fell in 1989, protestors took to the streets of Prague with posters saying “Godot is Here”. The waiting was over. Beckett died that December – he lived long enough to see the fall of the communist government, but just missed Havel’s election as president.

For Index on Censorship, the staging of Havel and Beckett’s plays completes an historic circle. Index was an assiduous supporter of Havel, publishing his writing and interviews throughout the 70s and 80s. Its dedication to supporting writers under communism was at the core of its mission ever since it was first founded by Sir Stephen Spender and Michael Scammell in 1972. But on the 20th anniversary of the Velvet Revolution, Havel’s prescience and motivation in writing Mistake remain striking. Even though Havel had only just been released from prison, in ill health, he had a larger purpose in mind when he wrote his play. “Mistake was not intended simply as a kind of snapshot of prison life,” he declared at the play’s first performance. “In its modest way, it is meant to warn against the ubiquitous danger of the kind of self-imposed totalitarianism now present in every community in the world, large or small.” Twenty-six years since Havel dedicated his play to Beckett, the message remains as relevant as ever.

A shorter version of this article is published in the Guardian

Additional research Klara Chlupata and Roman Chlupaty

Jo Glanville is editor of Index on Censorship

Catastrophe and Mistake are being performed at the Free Word Festival on 17 September at 630pm and will be followed by a panel discussion with Misha Glenny and Vladimir Arsenijevic chaired by John Kampfner. To reserve a place email bookings@freewordonline or call 0207 324 2570

Introduction to the special Soviet issue

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USSR, the August 1980 issue of Index on Censorship magazine

USSR, the August 1980 issue of Index on Censorship magazine.

By Michael Scammell

Ever since Index on Censorship started publication eight years ago (and of course for many decades before that) the Soviet Union has been the world’s leading exponent of techniques of censorship and of total control over the communications media. The importance of its example and the extent of its influence, as one of the world’s two superpowers, is impossible to overestimate. Within its vast empire and its many satellites, from Cuba to Vietnam, its model is applied totally, with only minor regional variations. In many parts of the third world, its attractiveness as a shortcut for those with their hands on the levers of power has proved virtually irresistible.

Throughout these eight years the Soviet government’s control of the media and of its citizens’ access to them has if anything increased, so that it is almost as great now as during Stalin’s rule — the Khrushchev ‘ thaw’ has been completely eradicated. At the same time, a policy of controlled deportation, carefully managed emigration and secret police surveillance has led to a situation where a good half of the Soviet Union’s best writers (including its greatest) have been either driven abroad or forced into official silence, together with more than half of its best artists and many scientists, social scientists, critics, ballet dancers, film makers and other members of the intelligentsia.

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Index has never forgotten that it came into existence as the result of an initiative by Soviet intellectuals (see Pavel Litvinov in Index on Censorship 1/1975), and it has repeatedly exposed the despotic grip in which the Soviet government holds the intellectual and spiritual life of its people.

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At the same time we have remained faithful to our progenitors’ request to cast our gaze equally on other parts of the world. Indeed we see it as part of our duty to demonstrate that in matters of censorship and despotism, General Pinochet and Mr Brezhnev, the Shah of Iran and Mr Husdk, have more in common than they have differences. Labels of ‘left’ and ‘right’, ‘socialism’ and ‘capitalism ‘, are not so much meaningless in this context as positively misleading.

Although the Soviet Union has figured prominently in Index, we have never stood back to take a wider look at the comprehensive machinery of repression and control that has been perfected there. Even now, what we are offering is fragmentary and impressionistic – it would take a fat volume to cover the entire subject. But the holding of the Olympic Games in Moscow, and the attention that this will draw to Soviet society and Soviet achievement, offer an opportunity for Index to examine one of the most outstanding of those achievements, although not one that is widely advertised or thoroughly known. 

In the following pages a variety of authors examines various aspects of that achievement. Many of them have lived most or all of their lives in the Soviet Union and know the system intimately from inside, others have closely studied the system from outside and describe what they have seen. Some describe how the mechanism works, others what the purpose of the mechanism is or the ways in which the mechanism is evaded and some free discussion achieved. 

In all cases, as is customary with Index, readers are left to draw their own conclusions. They are invited to take this information and set it side by side with what they hear from elsewhere, particularly during the Olympic season. Properly understood, it should assist them to a better knowledge of the type of society in which the Olympic torch is being invited to burn in this summer of 1980.

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USSR: Will reason triumph?

A letter by Elie Sriegirov to US President Carter

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The Human Rights Movement in the USSR

Pavel Litvinov writes about the complications in society in the USSR

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USSR: Prisoners’ rights denied

Letters to and from prisoners, and visits by relatives, are in effect
being blocked

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