14 February marks the one year anniversary of mass protests in Bahrain. Index on Censorship looks back at how free expression has been curtailed in the past year’s crackdown on social unrest. Click here to read.
Abdulhadi Alkhawaja was arrested on 9 April 2011. He was dragged from his house and beaten by 20 masked men along with his two sons in law, while his daughters and wife were insulted, assaulted and locked in a room. In may he was given life in prison along with other prominent opposition leaders for “organising and managing a terrorist organisation”, “attempting to overthrow the government by force and in liaison with a terrorist organisation working for a foreign country” and the “collection of money for a terrorist group”. This was not the first time he had been charged with attempting to overthrow the government for talking publicly about human rights abuses in Bahrain. It seems that the government of Bahrain believe their regime to be so weak that even speaking the truth about them risks bringing down the whole system.
Since that time, the BICI report has shown that there is no evidence of any Iranian involvement in the Bahrain uprising. This fact renders the presence of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) troops in Bahrain unlawful, as they are only supposed to be used to defend against foreign invasions, and shows the sentences of the main opposition leaders to be based on purely political charges.
In December 2011, Nigel Rodley, who had been part of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, released a statement saying that the BICI report intended that the sentences of all political prisoners should be annulled. Unfortunately, the Foreign Minister of Bahrain, in a recent highly defensive response to a letter I wrote with Denis MacShane MP, has stated that “There is no political prisoner in Bahrain today. Not a single person is awaiting trial for political protest or activity or for exercising her or his right to free speech and assembly.”
Does this man really believe what he is saying? Is he just lying or is he really so blinded (as those at the top of autocratic regimes often are) to the truth.
Abdulhadi Alhkawaja, his brother, son in law and one of his daughters have all been in jail. He has gone on hungerstrike numerous times, hospitalising himself in the process. Now he is on hungerstrike again for the anniversary of the uprising, telling his family in a phone call that he will be willing to die for his freedom. The cruelty displayed by the Bahraini government is astounding, and one of the reasons why they have been listed as one of the 10 most repressive regimes by Reporters Without Borders.
John Lubbock is a graduate in international politics and human rights MA at City University, London and research and advocacy officer for the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights in London. He tweets@jwsal
This week the departure lounge at Bahrain’s airport seems to be full of people who were turned back at the passport desk without being allowed into the country. The authorities are incredibly sensitive about who’s going to see what and report what during the days around the 14 February anniversary of last year’s mass protests.
Bob Naiman, an American who was refused entry a couple of days ago, said that groups of British and Spanish business people were among the human rights observers and journalists being shut out. I didn’t get that far myself this time. I’d planned to go to Bahrain at the end of January, but a week before I was going to leave I received the dreaded letter telling me not to bother, that I should wait until March before I tried to get into Bahrain, when a committee set up to implement reforms would have done its work.
The week before Rick Sollom from Physicians for Human Rights was turned away when he landed in Bahrain. Authorities told him that “all government officials are under tremendous work pressure” and that he should come back after the end of February when a trip would be “more beneficial.” Then last week some journalists were allowed visas to enter and others weren’t, notably Nick Kristof of the New York Times, whose brilliant coverage of Bahrain has made him persona non grata with the regime.
These are stiff reminders that the Bahraini government should be judged on its actions, not its words. Denying (rather, “delaying”) access to human rights organisations is a hallmark of repressive regimes. Bahrain already ticked many of those boxes in 2011. Mass arrests? Check. Torture? Check? Deaths in custody? Check. Shootings of civilians? Unfair trials? Attacks on places of worship? Targeting of peaceful dissidents? Check, check, check, check.
Of course Bahrainis are more than capable of reporting what happens and distributing it everywhere, which makes the attempts to restrict access all the more farcical. Bahraini activists and journalists are among the most tech-savvy in the world, and events are being relayed at the speed of Twitter both day and night. So why Bahrain thinks it’s a good PR move to keep prominent international human rights organisations and journalists out is anyone’s guess. No-one really benefits from this — we don’t get in, and the Bahraini government looks bad. The only winner is the coffee shop in the departure lounge.
Brian Dooley is the director of the Human Rights Defenders programme at Human Rights First. He tweets at @dooley_dooley
After the events of 13 March 2011 and the shameful attack on University of Bahrain (UoB) students by a group of militias that supported by the Bahraini regime, the UOB administration dismissed more than 400 innocent students and many of them get arrested. I was one of the students expelled because of participating in some protests in and outside the university.
A while later, the administration decided to bring the expelled students, but not all of them, back for the start of the next semester. There are more than 30 banned who have not been allowed to continue studying at University of Bahrain. The university changed to a place that you could not study in; it was like a military base with scattered checkpoints. Many students could not attend their classes on time because of the checkpoints. Barbed wire surrounded everything. The General Directorate of Criminal Investigation (CID) agents were in every corner. Armed forces were spreading at all of the gates, and there were more pictures of the regime than educational boards and banners in the university.
In addition, two female students kidnapped from the campus were tortured by masked people with the assistance of University of Bahrain security.
A few months ago, University of Bahrain administration told the rest of the expelled students that they can continue studying by the beginning of the next term. Afterwards, a group of regime supporters protested at the campus against the decision, but neither the security team nor the Ministry of Interior (MoI) forces tried to stop them by saying it was peaceful, proving the double standards about dealing with protests and gatherings
Mohammed Bahar is a University of Bahrain student who was dismissed during the crackdown last year