Security committee slips under radar

This is a guest post by Chris Ames

Gordon Brown is pushing ahead with plans for a new parliamentary committee on national security, sparking criticism that he is trying to avoid genuine democratic accountability. As existing backbench committees struggle to get to the bottom of UK complicity in extraordinary rendition and torture, MPs are raising concerns that Brown’s new committee will also find itself misled and censored.

The prime minister confirmed in a written parliamentary answer that he is setting up a joint committee of MPs and lords to monitor the government’s national security strategy. The disclosure has received no media coverage but raises important constitutional issues around accountability and freedom of speech.

Brown told Labour MP Andrew MacKinlay that the government has ‘already had productive consultations with the opposition parties and relevant Select Committee chairs’ and that membership discussions are under way. But MacKinlay, a long-standing member of the commons foreign affairs committee, has questioned the plans, as has Tory MP Andrew Tyrie, chairman of the all-party committee on extraordinary rendition.

Tyrie fears that a combined committee of MPs and lords will prove unwieldy and lack investigative bite. He says: ‘This looks depressingly like a Gordon Brown smokescreen for avoiding democratic accountability in this area, like so many of the measures he announced when he became prime minister.

‘The last thing we need is more committees, particularly joint committees. What we need is for the intelligence and security committee’s important work to be developed into a full select committee in a way that does not prejudice national security.’

The government has considered giving seats on the new body to the chairs of relevant select committees, although Brown is said to want some genuine backbench representation. But a proposal to reserve a seat for a member of the intelligence and security committee (ISC), which is directly appointed by the prime minister, has raised complaints that the new committee will not be wholly independent of government.

Recent revelations about UK involvement in torture and extraordinary rendition have led to criticism that the ISC was too ready to accept government assurances on these issues.

Last week the committee was criticised for allowing its annual report to be heavily censored by Brown before publication. This censorship is possible because the ISC is not itself a parliamentary committee, but the episode has raised concerns about the freedom that a new body will have to report its findings.

One question that Brown will need to address is whether members will be required to sign the Official Secrets Act. Such a move would run up against Article 9 of the Bill of Rights 1689, which is the basis for parliamentary privilege and prohibits any external court questioning the freedom of speech of MPs and lords within parliament.

MacKinlay is worried that Brown’s plan also risks a ‘turf war’ with existing select committees. ‘My concern is about how it will impinge upon the work of existing select committees, including my own,’ he says.

The new committee was mooted in Brown’s first national security strategy, published last March. Brown told MacKinlay that it will be set up ‘in time for it to consider the next iteration of the national security strategy, which will be published before the summer recess’. This confirms that his annual update to the strategy is already behind schedule.

The Cabinet Office has confirmed that the government plans to bring proposals for the new body before both houses of parliament but declined to comment further. It looks as if discussions are at a delicate stage. Brown may want the new committee to give him an easy ride but getting there certainly won’t be plain sailing.

Plane evasion

chris_ames_140x140jpgIt’s not just Jack Straw who’s playing fast and loose with freedom of information, says Chris Ames. Heathrow campaigners are finding it impossible to get a straight answer from the Department for Transport (more…)

Straw overrules Information Tribunal

This is a guest post by Chris Ames

Jack Straw’s decision to veto the release of the minutes of two pre-Iraq war cabinet meetings is a dagger to the heart of the Freedom of Information Act. No one who has seen New Labour’s approach to spin and to freedom of information will have expected the papers to be given up without a fight. But that it has come to this so soon says a lot about the man and the government of which he is an immovable fixture.

It is four weeks since the Information Tribunal ruled that the Cabinet Office must release the official record of the two meetings at which the attorney general’s advice (or lack of it) on the legality of the war was discussed. The government had exactly that length of time to choose whether to comply, to launch an appeal or simply veto the request outright. In the end, it chose to put our expectations of government transparency out of their misery.

Straw recognised that the tribunal’s interpretation of the Act –– which he himself took through Parliament –– poses serious challenges to the way that we are currently governed. But he failed to understand that it is the way that decisions are taken, not the possibility of disclosure, that needs to change.

Of course the government may continue to argue that the minutes will not show that anything went wrong, as the Cabinet failed to challenge Tony Blair over Iraq. They can do that because we will not see them. To complete the circle, they may say that the minutes do not therefore justify breaching collective cabinet responsibility and confidentiality. Those of us who think that things went very badly wrong would argue that neither convention is worth saving.

As with the Iraq war, Labour has the Tories for company on the wrong side of the argument. Tempted though the opposition may have been to call for Labour’s dirty washing to be aired in public, they are backing Straw. They are clearly preparing for government and do not want to feed expectations that they will make their own deliberations public.

As Straw justified his decision –– one that was officially taken collectively by the cabinet –– he reeled off the statistics for how many Freedom of Information requests have been dealt with without anyone deploying the veto. But that completely misses the point. If ministers can pick and choose what the Act does or does not cover, the most important and most damaging secrets will always be kept under lock and key.

The ministry and the message

rachel_reidThe curious case of Colonel Owen McNally, and the apparent attempt to smear human rights researcher Rachel Reid (right) take place within a wider crackdown on military and civilian personnel talking to the media in the run up to the next general election. It’s not only about stopping information getting out, but also making sure the right information gets out, says Chris Ames
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