20 Dec 13 | News and features, Politics and Society, Ukraine
(Photo: Anatolii Stepanov / Demotix)
The coverage of Ukrainian protests in the Russian media suggests a centralised anti-EU message and has provoked outrage in Kiev.
At first, Russian TV channels appeared to broadcast inaccuracies only on the numbers taking part in the demonstrations. Despite clear evidence on the ground that tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands were taking part, Russian reporters described scenes as “a few hundred protesters.”
Russia’s state-run First Channel then chose to dramatise Ukraine’s alleged descent into anarchy with a montage depicting combat scenes from Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, accompanied by a morbid musical soundtrack.
Komsomolskaya Pravda, a popular Russian daily, led on Tuesday with “Ukraine may split into several parts” with an illustrative map to depict the predicted chaos. The next day, a headline read “Western Ukraine is preparing for civil war.”
Overall – the message from the state-controlled Russian media seems to have been – “Ukraine is suffering at the fate of dangerous opposition militants.”
Putin has lent his weight to the propaganda, describing unrest in Kiev as “more of a pogrom than a revolution” and calling protesters “well-prepared and trained militant groups.”
“Ukraine is like a liner going in a circle,” commented a high-profile Russian journalist this week. “The passengers are calmed by the fact that Europe is near, there is not far to go. In reality the economic collapse of the whole country lies ahead…Passengers will be hurt. Some will not survive.”
The journalist quoted is Dmitry Kiselyov, who Vladimir Putin recently named as head of a re-launched Russia Today — as part of the take-over of previous state broadcaster RIA Novosti.
The shutdown of RIA Novosti was seen as a further degradation in the impartiality of the Russian media — despite being state-owned it had offered some balanced reporting on Russian domestic and foreign policy.
Media analysts in Russia have commented that Kiseylov’s appointment to Russia Today, now the sole government news agency, may have derived from his loyal allegiance to Putin and his ability to propagandise in his favour.
In support of recent anti-homosexual legislation passed by the Russian government, Kiselyov had commented.
“Fining gays is not sufficient -– they should not be allowed to give blood, or sperm and in case of a car accident, their hearts should be burnt or buried as useless”
Kiselyov’s assessment on Maidan went further than his dubious ship analogy — suggesting on his weekly TV show that Sweden, Lithuania and Poland may be manipulating events behind the scenes as revenge for a battle the Russians won in the early 18th century, a battle that happened to be fought in present-day Ukraine.
“It looked like thirst for revenge for Poltava,” argued Kiseylov, citing the name of a battle that took place in 1709.
He then labelled Ukrainian opposition leader and boxer Vitali Klitschko, and his brother Vladimir, as “gay icons,” before describing the “ancient African military techniques,” which the protesters were apparently employing.
He also accused protesters of aggressively firing tear gas at police (when multiple Ukrainian and European media sources confirmed the opposite was correct), and said that opposition leaders had brought students to the protest as sacrificial lambs for the security forces. In fact, police had gone out and savagely beaten groups of students hours before.
Finally, he describes the “writers” of the revolution as a Ukrainian-American-European conspiracy, against Russia.
Skewed Russian coverage has not gone unnoticed in Ukraine. A journalist interrupted a live broadcast from Rossiya 24 – handing over a fake “Oscar” statue in recognition of the “lies and nonsense” that was being reported.
Before being pushed off frame, the Ukrainain Vitaly Sedyuk was able to blurt out “We love Russians but after the way you covered events….”
The Russian reporter ended his piece still holding the fake Oscar statue in his hand.
In contrast to relatively objective reporting in Ukraine, the reporting of Kiseylov and other Russians, combined with a media landscape which has now lost most of its independent voices, indicates the strongest move yet towards total state control of the Russian media.
This article was published on 20 Dec, 2013 at indexoncensorship.org
04 Dec 13 | European Union, News and features, Ukraine
Protesters gather in Maidan Nezalezhnosti to register their disapproval of the government’s refusal to sign an association agreement with the European Union and its violent crackdown on peaceful demostrators. (Photo: Andrei Alaiksandrau / Index on Censorship)
Maidan Nezalezhnosti, the Independence Square in the centre of Kiev, leaves mixed impressions of courage and uncertainty. It has become a symbol of determination among ordinary Ukrainians to push for their rights and freedoms – but after the events of the last weekend it has also turned into a powerful reminder of how difficult and even bloody the fight can be.
Mass actions in Ukraine started on 21 November after it became clear that the country’s leaders were not going to sign a much anticipated association agreement with the European Union. The situation escalated after 29 November, when it was confirmed the agreement was not signed during the Eastern Partnership summit in Vilnius. Around 4 a.m. on 30 November riot police violently dispersed protesters from the Independence Square. Dozens of peaceful protesters and journalists were injured. The next day saw one of the largest mass street rallies in Ukrainian history, at least 200,000 people protested against the violent actions of the police. New clashes occurred; protesters and opposition parties called for the government to resign, but the vote of no confidence in the parliament failed. At the moment nobody has a clear answer what comes next.
There are a lot of young people among the protesters. Yuliya, a student of one of Kiev universities, says they are there to “defend their future.” “We want to live in a European country, and feel we are citizens that enjoy rights and freedoms,” she says. Several students said officials at their universities “promised troubles” to those who joined the protests. Some of the student demonstrators told Index that they were threatened with expulsion – but came out into the streets anyway.
Andrii is an employee of an IT firm from Lviv, a regional centres in western Ukraine. He and his friends traveled to Kiev to join the protest for several days during the last two weeks, despite the fact it is more than 500 km drive each way. “It is a crucial time for my country; I cannot just stay home when the fate of my nation is decided. The association agreement with the EU is a historical chance for Ukraine, the chance not to be missed,” he says.
“I went to Maidan, because I want to live in a European country; I want to walk even pavements, drive quality roads, enjoy quality public services for the high taxes I pay – and I don’t want to see my taxes go to pockets of president Yanukovich and his family. Directives of the EU establish quite high requirements for fighting corruption, this is why I support association with the European Union,” says Khrystyna, a lawyer from Kiev.
Roman Romanov, an expert on freedom of assembly with the International Renaissance Foundation, says he has never seen so many people in the streets of Ukraine.
“Now it is not only people who want the association agreement with the EU to be signed. People raise their voice against the police state and brutality against peaceful protesters; they understand that without them speaking out the rule of law will not be restored and justice will not be done,” Roman Romanov says.
Oksana Romaniuk, an executive director of the Institute of Mass Information, a Kiev-based freedom of expression organisation, also sees the difference in how society treats journalists.
“Fifty-one journalists were beaten by riot police in Ukraine between 29 November and 2 December. On the night of 30 November officers of Berkut, a riot police special force, specifically targeted journalists when they were dispersing the protest from the Independence Square. Now local businessmen offer their help to us – they buy first aid kits for journalists and offer money to cover medical treatment for injured reporters. And ordinary people suggest their help, too. I was really moved when a woman came up to me in a bus, as she heard I was ordering protecting helmets and vets for journalists. The lady gave me 200 hryvnias (around £15) and said ‘I have heard how journalists were beaten – please, take this money to help them’. I hope these are the signs that show society understands the importance of journalists’ work to inform people,” Oksana Romaniuk says.
“I did not know I live in a country where a bloody dispersal of a peaceful meeting can happen, where such inhuman brutality against unarmed people and journalists is possible. It is a disgrace for Ukrainian authorities,” she adds.
State officials of Ukraine promise they will make up for this “disgrace” and investigate the violent actions of the police. At the same time, president Yanukovich left for an official visit to China, despite the serious political crisis his country is in. The OSCE Parallel Civil Society conference called the situation in Ukraine “a human dimension crisis.”
“It looks like the authorities want to show they do not care about people that stay at Maidan. It is difficult to say what is going to happen next. I could not believe that happened in my country. Now I don’t see how this crisis is going to be resolved,” says an employee of a Kiev-based human rights organisation.
Last night it was peaceful at Maidan Nezalezhnosti. There was a concert with Ukrainian patriotic songs. People were sitting around fires in barrels; a dozen youngsters decided to warm themselves by playing football just beside a barricade. No police were seen anywhere.
“Would you like a cup of tea?” asked a young Ukrainian girl with a warm smile – she is just walking around Maidan with her boyfriend and a big thermos and offers a free hot drink she made at home to people who came out in a cold night to tell their government they choose a European future for their country. Will they be heard, remains a question.
This article was posted on 4 Dec 2013 at indexoncensorship.org
02 Dec 13 | Politics and Society
International organisations have expressed their grave concern at the violence carried out against journalists and media workers covering the on-going protests in Ukraine.
According to the OSCE more than 40 journalists representing national and international media outlets have been physically assaulted and injured whilst covering the public protests in Kiev. Dunja Mijatović, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, spoke today of her worries of the magnitude of violence.
“I am especially concerned that in most of the cases, the beatings were reportedly conducted by the law enforcement officers who attacked the journalists and disregarded their press identification. Violence against journalists cannot be tolerated”, Mijatović wrote in a letter to OSCE Chairperson-in-Office, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Leonid Kozhara.
The Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ) has also spoken out against the violence, urging the President and government of the Ukraine to stop the unlawful actions taken against their colleagues: “Being in the centre of events is a journalists’ job, but not a reason to try brutal force on them. We call on the authorities to investigate each incident of attack on our colleagues, and to ensure normal conditions for journalists’ work. Absence of reaction to the violence looks like connivance.”
According to the BAJ cameramen, correspondents, photographers and journalists from organisation including Euronews, the Associated Press and Insider have all been attacked by officers of security squads whilst covering the protests.
Any response by the OSCE has been complicated by the fact that Ukraine is the 2013 Chairman of the international security organisation. A statement issued today by the international Civic Solidarity platform, as participants of the OSCE civil society parallel conference, stated: “violence, threats, the beating of activists and journalists causing serious injury, arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances and court restraining orders that restrict the freedom of peaceful assembly – these form only a partial list of the phenomena we have witnessed in recent days not only in Kiev, but in other Ukrainian cities as well.”
Protestors have been calling for the resignation of the government since November after the Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanukovych, refused to sign a deal on closer EU ties.
This article was posted on 2 Dec 2013 at indexoncensorship.org
03 Jun 13 | Europe and Central Asia
Despite intolerance and government suppression, LGBT supporters held the first gay pride march in the Ukraine. (Photos: Ivan Chernichkin for Index on Censorship)
Despite an initial ban by the authorities, Ukraine successfully held the country’s first ever gay pride parade but the level of intimidation faced by the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community and proposed legislation outlawing ‘homosexual propaganda’ are causing concern for many. Andrew Connelly reports from Kiev
Last week, around 50 LGBT activists gathered on the outskirts of the Ukrainian capital Kiev to conduct the first ever equality march in the post-Soviet nation’s history. The event took place amidst an unprecedented amount of security with several hundred riot police and Special Forces drafted in to protect participants from thousands of protesters from the Orthodox Church, Ukrainian and Russian nationalists and football hooligans.
The parade was originally planned to take place in the centre of town, beginning at Independence Square, the scene of Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution which (temporarily) overthrew pro-Russian President Victor Yanukovich. However, the Kiev district city court banned the event citing the clash with Kiev Day, a series of cultural events held across the city. In reality it would seem that, whilst this was a consideration, the amount of anti-LGBT demonstrators that also submitted applications to hold parallel marches may have more profoundly influenced the authorities’ decision. Still, the move was enough to prompt organiser Stas Mischenko to accuse them of “depriving our right to freedom of assembly” and an alternative location had to be hastily arranged.
Counter demonstrators waved religious banners.
Despite the new site being kept secret, hundreds of crucifix-wielding protesters descended on Victory Avenue, waving banners with expressions such as ‘Kiev is not Sodom’ and ‘Homosexuality = Paedophilia’. LGBT activists were surrounded by lines of police yet the march was still intermittently disrupted when extremists managed to infiltrate the area, attempted to tear down banners and screamed ‘gays out of Ukraine’ and other epithets as they were dragged away into police vans. One firework was thrown that exploded in the middle of the crowd but nobody was injured. In total thirteen arrests were made.
Opponents of the gay pride march attempted to disrupt by tearing down banners.
Nevertheless, the occasion was a marked improvement from last year’s attempt to organise a parade which was cancelled when police withdrew their guarantee of security an hour before the start due to threats from far-right hooligans planning to disrupt the event. Organiser Syvatoslav Sheremet was pepper sprayed then viciously attacked by thugs resulting in his hospitalisation.
Despite being the first post-Soviet country to legalise homosexuality, it remains a strongly taboo subject in Ukrainian society. There are almost no publicly gay figures and legislation does not recognise discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. Ukrainian civil society groups are trying to press for anti-discrimination legislation at the same time as resisting two draft laws that would marginalise and severely infringe the rights of the LGBT community in addition to having a chilling effect of the freedom of the press.
Law 0945 concerns “the protection of children’s right to a safe information space” and proposes a ban on the production and publication of content which “promotes” and propagates” homosexuality that extends to the use of TV, radio, printing of publications, creative writings, cinematography or video materials.
Related: Shutting down Russia’s LGBT community
Elena Vlasenko reports on the continuing official campaign against lesbians and gays.
If this wasn’t authoritarian enough, Law 1155 is even more detailed, far reaching and restrictive in nature, calling for the “prohibition of propaganda of same-sex relationships aimed at children” defining homosexual propaganda as “intentional activity which aims to and is expressed in dissemination of any positive information about same-sex relations which could negatively affect…the development of the child including forming a misconception of traditional and non-traditional marriage relations being equal, and in the future impact his or her choice of sexual orientation.” This extends to a ban on media disseminating information from others that portrays same-sex relations in a positive light. Olena Shevchenko, head of the Kiev-based LGBT NGO Insight, outlines what this means in real terms:
“If you encourage a group of people to read a book of Oscar Wilde, it will be propaganda. If I give an interview in the mass media, openly say that I am a lesbian and that I think that it is normal, just like heterosexuality, then that will also be propaganda.”
Svitlana Tuchynska is a journalist at the Kyiv Post:
“If this law passes it will introduce media censorship. You will not be able to cover any activities of the LGBT community at all, any problems that they face or any opinions they have on their sexuality.”
The list of criteria is extensive, covering demonstrations, mass gatherings, workshops and classes amongst other public meetings. Violations of the law may result in fines reaching up to €2,400 or jail sentences of up to six years
“This legislation will affect us because we are spreading information about homosexuality amongst LGBT and the general population, that’s part of our job and this will definitely be considered propaganda”, Kiev Pride organiser and Vice President of Gay Alliance Ukraine Stas Mischenko explained.
“Such laws are very dangerous because I work in HIV prevention and people who are living under these harsh conditions don’t take care of themselves. They hear from other people that they are second class and they have no future, so they have risky sexual behaviour. If you are not able to explain to them that they are normal and good people, they will have more risky behaviour and the level of HIV will double or triple”, Mischenko said.
Ukraine currently has the highest HIV infection rate in Europe.
Hostile attitudes towards sexual minorities remains deeply rooted in Ukrainian society and these prejudices are now legitimised in parliament. Following the 2010 elections, the ultranationalist Svoboda (Freedom) party won 10% of the popular vote and have since stirred up homophobic, anti-Semitic and xenophobic sentiment in the country. In December 2012, an LGBT protest was disrupted by activists from the party who tear gassed and assaulted demonstrators, one of whom received a broken nose. On the official Svoboda website, a spokesman boasted of “breaking up the Sabbath of perverts”. Hate crimes are not legally recognised as such and are often referred to as ‘hooliganism’ with perpetrators rarely brought to justice.
The government in Kiev is currently deliberating whether to choose closer integration with Europe or to strengthen ties with Russia, but for Ukraine’s LGBT community the proposed propaganda legislation risks dragging the country to a much darker place entirely.
